SAD su prvi put bombardovale Kambodžu

SAD su prvi put bombardovale Kambodžu

Američki bombarderi B-52 preusmjereni su sa svojih ciljeva u Južnom Vijetnamu kako bi po prvi put u ratu napali osumnjičene komunističke bazne logore i područja opskrbe u Kambodži. Predsjednik Nixon odobrio je misiju-zvanično označenu Operacija Doručak-na sastanku Vijeća za nacionalnu sigurnost 15. marta. Ova misija i kasniji napadi B-52 unutar Kambodže postali su poznati kao bombaški napadi "Menu". Ukupno 3.630 letova iznad Kambodže bacilo je 110.000 tona bombi u periodu od 14 mjeseci do aprila 1970. Ovo bombardovanje Kambodže i sve operacije koje slijede nakon "menija" držane su u tajnosti za američku javnost i američki Kongres jer je Kambodža bila neutralna . Kako bi se sačuvala tajna, u Pentagonu je uspostavljen zamršen sistem izvještavanja kako bi se spriječilo otkrivanje bombardovanja. Iako je New York Times je otkrio priču o kampanji tajnog bombardovanja u maju 1969., bilo je malo negativnih reakcija javnosti.


Kambodžanska humanitarna kriza

The Kambodžanska humanitarna kriza od 1969. do 1993. sastojao se od niza povezanih događaja koji su rezultirali smrću, raseljavanjem ili preseljenjem miliona Kambodžana u inostranstvo.

Kriza je imala nekoliko faza. Prvi je bio građanski rat u Kambodži između vlade Lon Nol i komunističkih Crvenih Kmera od 1970. do 1975. Ova faza je također obilježena intenzivnim bombardovanjem Sjedinjenih Država od 1969. do 1973. Crvenih Kmera i svetišta i baza unutar Kambodže Vojske Sjevernog Vijetnama kao dio svoje strategije za pobjedu u Vijetnamskom ratu. Druga faza bila je vladavina Crvenih Kmera od 1975. do 1979. Crveni Kmeri su ubili ili gladovali oko jedne četvrtine od 8 miliona kambodžanskih ljudi.

1979. godine Vijetnam je napao Kambodžu i srušio Crvene Kmere. Vijetnam i kambodžanska vlada koju je stvorila vladali su državom narednih 12 godina. Crveni Kmeri i druge grupe vodile su gerilski rat protiv vijetnamskih okupatora i kambodžanske vlade. 1979. i 1980., kaos je uzrokovao da su stotine hiljada Kambodžana pohrlile na granicu s Tajlandom kako bi izbjegle nasilje i izbjegle glad koja je prijetila Kambodži. Humanitarne organizacije su se izborile s krizom "kopnenim mostom", jednim od najvećih napora humanitarne pomoći ikad poduzetih.

Od 1981. do 1991. gerilski rat protiv vijetnamske i kambodžanske vlade nastavljen je i stotine hiljada Kambodžana nastavilo je boraviti u izbjegličkim kampovima na Tajlandu ili na granici s Tajlandom. Oko 260.000 izbjeglica preseljeno je u inozemstvo, od čega više od polovice u SAD. Posljednja faza kambodžanske humanitarne krize bila je njezino rješavanje 1991-1993. Vijetnam se povukao iz zemlje, a Ujedinjeni narodi poveli su Kambodžu prema izabranoj vladi i vratili 360.000 Kambodžana, ispraznivši i zatvorivši izbjegličke kampove.


Američko tajno bombardovanje Kambodže

Uključeno 18. marta 1969. godine, Sjedinjene Države su započele četverogodišnju kampanju bombardiranja tepiha na nebu Kambodže, uništavajući selo i uzrokujući društveno-političke preokrete koji su na kraju doveli do uspostavljanja režima Pol Pot.

Tokom Vijetnamskog rata, Vijetnamski oslobodilački front i PAVN koristili su mrežu opskrbnih puteva koji su djelomično prolazili kroz Laos i Kambodžu. Kako je rat odmicao, SAD su navodno napale Kambodžu i Laos kako bi poremetile ove rute.

Bombardovanje

Početnu operaciju odobrio je tadašnji predsjednik Richard Nixon, ali bez znanja ili odobrenja američkog Kongresa. Bombardovanje je postalo javno poznato 1973. godine, nakon čega su zaustavljeni.

Sjedinjene Američke Države bacile su na Kambodžu više od 2,7 miliona tona bombi, što je za gotovo milion tona više od količine koja je pala u Japanu tokom Drugog svjetskog rata (uključujući Hirošimu i Nagasaki). Za to vrijeme, oko 30 posto stanovništva zemlje bilo je interno raseljeno.

Procjene se uvelike razlikuju o broju civilnih žrtava uzrokovanih kampanjom, međutim, čak 500.000 ljudi umrlo je kao direktna posljedica bombardovanja, dok je možda stotine hiljada više umrlo od posljedica raseljavanja, bolesti ili gladovanja u ovom razdoblju.

Crveni Kmeri, prethodno marginalizirana gerilska grupa, propagandno su promicali kampanju bombardiranja prema procjenama CIA -e, a američka kampanja bombardiranja bila je ključni faktor u povećanju podrške naroda pobunjenicima Crvenih Kmera. Nakon pobjede 1975., Crveni Kmeri nadgledali su period u kojem je još jedan do dva miliona Kambodžana umrlo od pogubljenja, gladi i prisilnog rada.

Nakon što je postala javna, kampanja bombardiranja bila je predmet sukoba u SAD -u jer se protivljenje američkom vojnom projektu u Indokini pojačalo.

"Pristanak u proizvodnji" Noam Chomsky i Edward S. Hermann

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Sadržaj

Uređivanje pozadine

Tokom ranih do sredine 1960-ih, politika princa Norodoma Sihanouka štitila je njegovu naciju od previranja koja su zahvatila Laos i Južni Vijetnam. [12] Ni Narodna Republika Kina (NR Kina) ni Sjeverni Vijetnam nisu osporili Sihanoukovu tvrdnju da predstavlja "progresivnu" političku politiku i vodstvo prinčeve domaće ljevičarske opozicije, Pracheachon Partija, bila je integrisana u vladu. [13] 3. maja 1965. Sihanouk je prekinuo diplomatske odnose sa SAD -om, prekinuo protok američke pomoći i obratio se NR Kini i Sovjetskom Savezu za ekonomsku i vojnu pomoć. [13]

Do kasnih 1960 -ih, Sihanoukov delikatni balans unutrašnje i vanjske politike počeo je krenuti naopako. Godine 1966. postignut je sporazum između princa i Kineza koji dopušta prisustvo velikih razmještaja trupa PAVN-a i Vijetnama i logističkih baza u istočnim pograničnim regijama. [14] Također se složio da dozvoli korištenje luke Sihanoukville plovilima pod komunističkom zastavom koja isporučuju zalihe i materijal za podršku vojnim naporima PAVN-a/Viet Cong-a u Južnom Vijetnamu. [15] Ovi ustupci doveli su u pitanje neutralnost Kambodže, koja je zagarantirana Ženevskom konferencijom 1954. godine.

Sihanouk je bio uvjeren da će NR Kina, a ne SAD, na kraju kontrolirati Indokineski poluotok i da "naši interesi najbolje služe bavljenjem taborom koji će jednog dana dominirati cijelom Azijom - i postizanjem sporazuma prije njegove pobjede - kako bi da biste dobili najbolje moguće uslove. " [14]

Međutim, iste godine dozvolio je svom proameričkom ministru obrane, generalu Lonu Nolu, da suzbije ljevičarske aktivnosti, slomivši Pracheachon optužujući svoje članove za subverziju i podređenost Hanoju. [16] Istovremeno, Sihanouk je izgubio podršku kambodžanskih konzervativaca kao rezultat njegovog neuspjeha da se uhvati u koštac s pogoršanom ekonomskom situacijom (pogoršanom gubitkom izvoza pirinča, od kojih je većina otišla u PAVN/Viet Cong) i sa rastuće vojno prisustvo komunista. [a]

Dana 11. septembra 1966. u Kambodži su održani prvi otvoreni izbori. Manipulacijom i uznemiravanjem (i na Sihanoukovo iznenađenje) konzervativci su osvojili 75 posto mjesta u Narodnoj skupštini. [17] [18] Lon Nol je s desne strane izabran za premijera, a kao njegovog zamjenika kneza Sirika Mataka imenovali su ultrakonzervativnim članom ogranka Sisowath kraljevskog klana i dugogodišnjim neprijateljem Sihanouka. Osim ovakvog razvoja događaja i sukoba interesa među politiziranom elitom Phnom Penha, društvene napetosti stvorile su povoljno okruženje za rast domaće komunističke pobune u ruralnim područjima. [19]

Pobuna u Battambang Edit

Princ se tada našao u političkoj dilemi. Kako bi održao ravnotežu protiv rastuće plime konzervativaca, nazvao je vođe iste grupe koju je ugnjetavao članovima "kontra-vlade" koja je trebala nadzirati i kritizirati administraciju Lon Nol-a. [20] Jedan od prvih prioriteta Lon Nola bio je popravljanje bolesne ekonomije zaustavljanjem ilegalne prodaje pirinča komunistima. Vojnici su poslani u područja uzgoja pirinča kako bi prisilno sakupili žetvu na nišan, a platili su samo nisku državnu cijenu. Bilo je raširenih nemira, posebno u provinciji Battambang, bogatoj rižom, području koje je odavno poznato po prisutnosti velikih zemljoposjednika, velikoj razlici u bogatstvu i gdje su komunisti još uvijek imali određeni utjecaj. [21] [22]

Dana 11. marta 1967. godine, dok Sihanouk nije bio u Francuskoj, izbila je pobuna na području oko Samlauta u Battambangu, kada su razbješnjeli seljani napali brigadu za prikupljanje poreza. Uz vjerovatno poticanje lokalnih komunističkih kadrova, pobuna se brzo proširila po cijeloj regiji. [23] Lon Nol, koji je djelovao u prinčevom odsustvu (ali uz njegovo odobrenje), odgovorio je proglasivši vanredno stanje. [20] Na stotine seljaka je ubijeno, a cijela sela opustošena tokom represije. [24] Nakon povratka kući u martu, Sihanouk je napustio svoj centristički položaj i lično naredio hapšenje Khieu Samphan, Hou Yuon i Hu Nim, vođa "kontra vlade", koji su svi pobjegli na sjeveroistok. [25]

Istovremeno, Sihanouk je naredio hapšenje kineskih posrednika umiješanih u ilegalnu trgovinu rižom, povećavajući tako državne prihode i umirujući konzervativce. Lon Nol je bio primoran da podnese ostavku i, tipičnim potezom, princ je imenovao nove ljevičare u vladu kako bi uravnotežili konzervativce. [25] Neposredna kriza je prošla, ali je izazvala dvije tragične posljedice. Prvo, nateralo je hiljade novih regruta u naručje tvrde linije maquis Komunističke partije Kambodže (koju je Sihanouk označio kao Khmers rouges ("Crveni Kmeri")). Drugo, za seljaštvo je ime Lon Nol postalo povezano s nemilosrdnom represijom u cijeloj Kambodži. [26]

Komunističko pregrupiranje Uredi

Iako je pobuna 1967. bila neplanirana, Crveni Kmeri su pokušali, bez velikog uspjeha, organizirati ozbiljniju pobunu tokom sljedeće godine. Prinčevo desetkovanje Prachea Chona i urbanih komunista, međutim, očistilo je polje konkurencije za Saloth Sar (poznatog i kao Pol Pot), Ieng Sary i Son Sen - maoističko vodstvo maquisards. [27] Odveli su svoje sljedbenike u visove na sjeveroistoku i u zemlje Kmerskog Loeua, primitivnog naroda koji je bio neprijateljski raspoložen i prema nizinskim Kmerima i prema središnjoj vlasti. Za Crvene Kmere, kojima je još uvijek nedostajala pomoć Sjevernovijetnamaca, to je bio period pregrupisavanja, organizacije i obuke. Hanoi je u osnovi ignorirao svoje saveznike sponzorirane od Kine, a ravnodušnost njihovih "bratskih drugova" prema njihovoj pobuni između 1967. i 1969. ostavila bi neizbrisiv dojam na vodstvo Crvenih Kmera. [28] [29]

17. januara 1968. Crveni Kmeri pokrenuli su svoju prvu ofenzivu. Više je imao za cilj prikupljanje oružja i širenje propagande nego zauzimanje teritorije, budući da u to vrijeme pristalica pobune nije bilo više od 4-5 hiljada. [30] [31] Tokom istog mjeseca, komunisti su osnovali Revolucionarnu armiju Kampuchea kao vojno krilo stranke. Već na kraju pobune Battambang, Sihanouk je počeo preispitivati ​​svoj odnos s komunistima. [32] Njegov raniji sporazum s Kinezima nije mu ništa pomogao. Oni ne samo da nisu uspjeli obuzdati Sjeverne Vijetnamce, već su se i sami (kroz Crvene Kmere) uključili u aktivnu subverziju unutar njegove zemlje. [23]

Na prijedlog Lona Nola (koji se vratio u vladu kao ministar odbrane u novembru 1968.) i drugih konzervativnih političara, 11. svibnja 1969. princ je pozdravio obnovu normalnih diplomatskih odnosa sa SAD -om i osnovao novu Vladu nacionalnog spasa s Lonom Nolom kao premijerom. [7] Učinio je to "kako bi odigrao novu kartu, budući da nas azijski komunisti već napadaju prije kraja Vijetnamskog rata." [33] Osim toga, PAVN i Viet Cong bi napravili vrlo prikladne žrtvene jarce za bolesti Kambodže, mnogo više od sitnih Crvenih Kmera, a oslobađanje Kambodže od njihovog prisustva riješilo bi mnoge probleme istovremeno. [34]

Operacijski izbornik i Operacija Freedom Deal Uređivanje

Iako su SAD bile svjesne svetišta PAVN/Viet Cong u Kambodži od 1966. godine, predsjednik Lyndon B. Johnson odlučio je da ih neće napasti zbog mogućih međunarodnih posljedica i svog uvjerenja da bi Sihanouk mogao biti ubijeđen da promijeni svoju politiku. [35] Johnson je, međutim, ovlastio izviđačke timove visoko klasificirane Komande vojne pomoći, Vijetnamske grupe za proučavanje i posmatranje (SOG) da uđu u Kambodžu i prikupe obavještajne podatke o baznim područjima 1967. [36] Izbor Richarda M. Nixon 1968. godine i uvođenje njegove politike postupnog povlačenja SAD -a iz Južnog Vijetnama i vijetnamizacije tamošnjeg sukoba promijenili su sve.

Dana 18. marta 1969. godine, po tajnim naređenjima Nixona i Henryja Kissingera, zračne snage Sjedinjenih Država izvele su bombardovanje baze 353 (u regiji Fishhook nasuprot provincije Tây Ninh u Južnom Vijetnamu) od strane 59 bombardera B-52 Stratofortress. Ovaj udar je bio prvi u nizu napada na svetišta koji su trajali do maja 1970. Tokom Operativnog menija, vazduhoplovstvo je izvršilo 3.875 letova i bacilo više od 108.000 tona ubojitih sredstava na istočna pogranična područja. [37] Samo je pet visokih dužnosnika Kongresa obaviješteno o bombardiranju. [38]

Nakon događaja, Nixon i Kissinger su tvrdili da je Sihanouk dao svoje prešutno odobrenje za racije, ali to je sumnjivo. [39] Sihanouk je 10. januara 1968. rekao američkom diplomati Chesteru Bowlesu da se neće protiviti američkoj "vrućoj potrazi" za povlačenjem sjevernovijetnamskih trupa "u udaljenim područjima [Kambodže]", pod uvjetom da Kambodžani nisu ozlijeđeni. Kenton Clymer napominje da se ova izjava "ne može razumno protumačiti kao da je Sihanouk odobrio intenzivne, tekuće bombaške napade B-52. U svakom slučaju, niko ga od toga nije pitao. Sihanouk nikada nije tražio da odobri bombardovanje B-52 nikada nije dao odobrenje. " [40] Tokom bombardovanja menija, Sihanoukova vlada je formalno protestovala protiv "američkog kršenja [] kambodžanske teritorije i vazdušnog prostora" u Ujedinjenim nacijama u više od 100 navrata, iako je "izričito protestovala zbog upotrebe B-52" samo jednom , nakon napada na Bu Chric u studenom 1969. [41] [42]

Operacija Freedom Deal slijedila je Operation Menu. Prema Sporazumu o slobodi, od 19. svibnja 1970. do 15. kolovoza 1973. američko bombardiranje Kambodže proširilo se na cijelu istočnu polovicu zemlje, a bilo je posebno intenzivno u gusto naseljenoj jugoistočnoj četvrtini zemlje, uključujući široki prsten koji okružuje najveći grad Phnom Penh. Na velikim područjima, prema kartama američkih mjesta bombardiranja, čini se da je gotovo svaka kvadratna milja zemlje pogođena bombama. [43]

Efikasnost američkog bombardovanja Crvenih Kmera i broj poginulih kambodžanskih civila je sporan. Uz ograničene podatke, raspon smrtnih slučajeva u Kambodži uzrokovanih američkim bombardiranjem mogao bi biti između 30.000 i 150.000 kambodžanskih civila i boraca Crvenih Kmera. [43] [44] Drugi utjecaj američkog bombardiranja i građanskog rata u Kambodži bio je uništavanje domova i sredstava za život mnogih ljudi. To je značajno doprinijelo izbjegličkoj krizi u Kambodži. [11]

Tvrdilo se da je američka intervencija u Kambodži doprinijela konačnom preuzimanju vlasti od strane Crvenih Kmera, koji je porastao sa 4.000 u 1970. na 70.000 u 1975. [45] Ovaj stav je osporen, [46] [47] [48] ​​s dokumentima otkrivenim iz sovjetskih arhiva koji otkrivaju da je ofenziva Sjevernog Vijetnama u Kambodži 1970. godine pokrenuta na izričit zahtjev Crvenih Kmera nakon pregovora s Nuon Cheom. [9] Također se tvrdi da je američko bombardiranje bilo odlučujuće u odgodi pobjede Crvenih Kmera. [48] ​​[49] [50] [51] Pobjeda u Vijetnamu, službena ratna historija Narodne armije Vijetnama, iskreno navodi da se komunistička pobuna u Kambodži već povećala sa "deset gerilskih timova" na nekoliko desetina hiljada boraca samo dva mjeseca nakon invazije na Sjeverni Vijetnam u aprilu 1970. godine, kao direktni rezultat PAVN -a koji je zauzeo 40% zemlje, predao ga komunističkim pobunjenicima, a zatim aktivno snabdijevao i obučavao ustanike. [52]

Overrowth Edit

Dok je Sihanouk bio izvan zemlje na putovanju u Francusku, u Phnom Penhu su se dogodili nemiri protiv Vijetnama (koje je vlada sponzorisala vlada), tokom kojih su otpuštene ambasade Sjevernog Vijetnama i Vijetnama. [53] [54] U prinčevom odsustvu, Lon Nol nije učinio ništa da zaustavi ove aktivnosti. [55] Dana 12. marta, premijer je zatvorio luku Sihanoukville za Sjeverne Vijetnamce i postavio im nemogući ultimatum. Sve snage PAVN -a/Viet Cong -a trebale su se povući s kambodžanskog tla u roku od 72 sata (15. marta) ili će se suočiti s vojnom akcijom. [56]

Sihanouk je, čuvši za previranja, krenuo prema Moskvi i Pekingu kako bi zahtijevao da pokrovitelji PAVN -a i Viet Cong -a imaju veću kontrolu nad svojim klijentima. [7] 18. marta 1970. Lon Nol je zatražio da Narodna skupština glasa o budućnosti prinčevog vođstva nacije. Sihanouk je svrgnut s vlasti glasovima 86–3. [57] [58] Heng Cheng je postao predsjednik Narodne skupštine, dok je premijer Lon Nol dobio hitna ovlaštenja. Sirik Matak zadržao je svoju funkciju zamjenika premijera. Nova vlada naglasila je da je prijenos vlasti bio potpuno legalan i ustavni te je priznao većinu stranih vlada. Bilo je, i nastavlja se, optužbi da je američka vlada igrala određenu ulogu u rušenju Sihanouka, ali nikada nisu pronađeni uvjerljivi dokazi koji ih podupiru. [59]

Većina kmera iz srednje klase i obrazovanih Kmera umorni su od princa i pozdravili su promjenu vlade. [60] Pridružila im se i vojska, za koju je mogućnost povratka američke vojne i finansijske pomoći bila razlog za slavlje. [61] Nekoliko dana nakon njegovog polaganja, Sihanouk, koji se sada nalazi u Pekingu, emitirao je apel narodu da se odupre uzurpatorima. [7] Demonstracije i neredi su se dogodili (uglavnom u područjima koja su u blizini područja pod kontrolom PAVN -a/Vijetnama), ali nijedan nacionalni teritorij nije prijetio vladi. [62] U jednom incidentu u Kampong Chamu 29. marta, razjarena gomila ubila je brata Lon Nol -a, Lon Nila, iščupala mu jetru, skuhala i pojela. [61] Procjenjuje se da je tada 40.000 seljaka počelo marširati prema glavnom gradu tražeći Sihanoukovo vraćanje na posao. Raspršili su ih, s mnogo žrtava, kontingenti oružanih snaga.

Masakr u Vijetnamu Edit

Većina stanovništva, gradskog i seoskog, izlila je svoj bijes i frustracije na nacionalnu vijetnamsku populaciju. Poziv Lon Nol-a za 10.000 dobrovoljaca za povećanje radne snage loše opremljene vojske od 30.000 ljudi u Kambodži uspio je uništiti vojsku sa preko 70.000 novaka. [63] Puno je glasina o mogućoj ofanzivi PAVN -a usmjerenoj na sam Phnom Penh. Paranoja je procvjetala i to je pokrenulo burnu reakciju protiv nacije od 400.000 etničkih Vijetnamaca. [61]

Lon Nol se nadao da će Vijetnamce upotrijebiti kao taoce protiv aktivnosti PAVN -a/Viet Cong -a, a vojska je krenula u njihovo okupljanje u logore. [61] Tada je počelo ubijanje. U gradovima i selima po cijeloj Kambodži vojnici i civili tražili su svoje vijetnamske susjede kako bi ih ubili. [64] Dana 15. aprila, tijela 800 Vijetnamaca plutala su niz rijeku Mekong u Južni Vijetnam.

Južni Vijetnamci, Sjeverni Vijetnamci i Vijetnamski oštro su osudili ove radnje. [65] Značajno je da nijedan Kambodžanac - uključujući budističku zajednicu - nije osudio ubistva. U svom izvinjenju Saigonskoj vladi, Lon Nol je izjavio da je "bilo teško razlikovati vijetnamske građane koji su bili Viet Cong i one koji to nisu. Stoga je sasvim normalno da je reakcija kambodžanskih trupa, koje se osjećaju izdano, teška" kontroli." [66]

FUNK and GRUNK Edit

Iz Pekinga je Sihanouk objavio da je vlada u Phnom Penhu raspuštena i da namjerava stvoriti Front un national du Kampuchéa (Nacionalni ujedinjeni front Kampuchea) ili FUNK. Sihanouk je kasnije rekao: "Odlučio sam ne biti ni s Amerikancima ni s komunistima, jer sam smatrao da postoje dvije opasnosti, američki imperijalizam i azijski komunizam. Lon Nol me je obavezao da biram između njih." [61]

Sjeverni Vijetnamci su reagirali na političke promjene u Kambodži slanjem premijera Phạma Văna Đồnga da se sastane sa Sihanoukom u Kini i regrutira ga u savez s Crvenim Kmerima. Pol Pota su kontaktirali i Vijetnamci koji su mu sada nudili sve resurse koje je htio za svoju pobunu protiv kambodžanske vlade. Pol Pot i Sihanouk su zapravo bili u Pekingu u isto vrijeme, ali vijetnamski i kineski lideri nikada nisu obavijestili Sihanouk o prisutnosti Pol Pota niti su dozvolili dvojici muškaraca da se sretnu. [67]

Ubrzo nakon toga, Sihanouk je putem radija uputio apel građanima Kambodže da ustanu protiv vlade i podrže Crvene Kmere. Time je Sihanouk posudio svoje ime i popularnost u ruralnim područjima Kambodže pokretu nad kojim je imao malu kontrolu. [68] U maju 1970. Pol Pot se konačno vratio u Kambodžu i tempo pobune se uvelike povećao. Nakon što je Sihanouk pokazao svoju podršku Crvenim Kmerima posjetivši ih na terenu, njihovi redovi su se povećali sa 6.000 na 50.000 boraca.

Princ se tada udružio sa Crvenim Kmerima, Sjevernim Vijetnamcima, Laošcem Pathet Laom i Vijetnamom, bacivši svoj lični ugled iza komunista. Dana 5. maja, stvarno osnivanje FUNK -a i Gouvernement royal d'union nationale du Kampuchéa ili je proglašen GRUNK (Kraljevska vlada Nacionalne unije Kampuchea). Sihanouk je preuzeo dužnost šefa države, imenovavši Penn Nouth, jednu od njegovih najvjernijih pristalica, za premijera. [61]

Khieu Samphan imenovan je za zamjenika premijera, ministra odbrane i vrhovnog zapovjednika oružanih snaga GRUNK -a (iako je stvarne vojne operacije vodio Pol Pot). Hu Nim je postao ministar informacija, a Hou Yuon je preuzeo višestruke odgovornosti kao ministar unutrašnjih poslova, komunalnih reformi i zadruga. GRUNK je tvrdio da to nije vlada u egzilu budući da su Khieu Samphan i pobunjenici ostali unutar Kambodže. Sihanouk i njegovi lojalisti ostali su u Kini, iako je princ ipak posjetio "oslobođena područja" Kambodže, uključujući Angkor Wat, u ožujku 1973. Ove posjete korištene su uglavnom u propagandne svrhe i nisu imale stvarnog utjecaja na politička pitanja. [69]

Za Sihanouka se ovo pokazalo kao brak iz pogodnosti koji je potaknut žeđom za osvetom onima koji su ga izdali. [70] [71] Za Crvene Kmere, to je bio način da se uvelike proširi privlačnost njihovog pokreta. Seljaci, motivirani lojalnošću monarhiji, postupno su se okupljali za GRUNK. [72] Osobna privlačnost Sihanouka i široko rasprostranjeno američko bombardiranje iz zraka pomogli su regrutiranju. Ovaj zadatak je bio dodatno olakšan komunistima nakon 9. oktobra 1970. godine, kada je Lon Nol ukinuo labavo federalističku monarhiju i proglasio uspostavu centralizirane Kmerske republike. [73]

GRUNK je ubrzo uhvaćen između konkurentskih komunističkih sila: Sjevernog Vijetnama, Kine i Sovjetskog Saveza. Tokom posjeta koje su kineski premijer Zhou Enlai i Sihanouk posjetili Sjevernoj Koreji u aprilu, odnosno u junu 1970. godine, pozvali su na uspostavljanje "jedinstvenog fronta pet revolucionarnih azijskih zemalja" (Kina, Sjeverna Koreja, Sjeverni Vijetnam, Laos, i Kambodža, posljednju predstavlja GRUNK). Iako su sjevernokorejski čelnici s oduševljenjem pozdravili plan, ubrzo je naišao na protivljenje Hanoja. Shvativši da će takav front isključiti Sovjetski Savez i implicitno osporiti hegemonističku ulogu koju je DRV sebi pripisao u Indokini, vođe Sjevernog Vijetnama izjavile su da bi sve komunističke države trebale udružiti snage protiv "američkog imperijalizma". [74]

Zaista, pitanje vijetnamske naspram kineske hegemonije nad Indokinom uvelike je utjecalo na stav koji je Hanoi zauzeo prema Moskvi početkom i sredinom 1970-ih. Tijekom građanskog rata u Kambodži, sovjetski čelnici, spremni pristati na dominaciju Hanoja nad Laosom i Kambodžom, zapravo su inzistirali na tome da pošalju svoje pošiljke pomoći na Crvene Kmere kroz DRV, dok je Kina odlučno odbila prijedlog Hanoja da se kineska pomoć Kambodži šalje putem Sjeverni Vijetnam. Suočeni s kineskom konkurencijom i pristajanjem Sovjeta, čelnici Sjevernog Vijetnama smatrali su da je sovjetska opcija pogodnija za njihove interese, proračun koji je odigrao veliku ulogu u postepenoj prosovjetskoj promjeni u vanjskoj politici Hanoja. [75]

Ofenziva Sjevernog Vijetnama u Kambodži Edit

Nakon puča, Lon Nol nije odmah pokrenuo Kambodžu u rat. On je apelirao na međunarodnu zajednicu i na Ujedinjene nacije u pokušaju da dobije podršku za novu vladu i osudio kršenje neutralnosti Kambodže "od strane stranih snaga, bez obzira na to iz kojeg tabora dolaze". [76] Njegova nada u nastavak neutralnosti nije mu pomogla ništa više nego Sihanouku. Dana 29. aprila 1970. godine, Sjeverni Vijetnamci su uzeli stvar u svoje ruke i započeli ofanzivu protiv sada preimenovanih Naoružane snage Oružanih snaga Khmères ili FANK (Nacionalne oružane snage Kmera) s dokumentima otkrivenim iz sovjetskih arhiva koji otkrivaju da je ofenziva pokrenuta na izričit zahtjev Crvenih Kmera nakon pregovora s Nuon Cheom. [9] Sjeverni Vijetnam je nadmašio veći dio sjeveroistočne Kambodže do juna 1970. [8]

Invazija Sjevernog Vijetnama potpuno je promijenila tijek građanskog rata. Kambodžanska vojska je uništena, zemlje koje sadrže gotovo polovicu kambodžanskog stanovništva su osvojene i predate Crvenim Kmerima, a Sjeverni Vijetnam je sada preuzeo aktivnu ulogu u opskrbi i obuci Crvenih Kmera. Sve je to dovelo do toga da je kambodžanska vlada bila znatno oslabljena, a pobunjenici su se u nekoliko sedmica višestruko uvećali. Kao što je navedeno u službenoj vijetnamskoj ratnoj istoriji, "naše trupe su pomogle našim kambodžanskim prijateljima da potpuno oslobode pet provincija sa ukupno tri miliona stanovnika. Naše trupe su takođe pomogle našim kambodžanskim prijateljima da obuče kadar i prošire svoje oružane snage. Za samo dva mjeseca, oružane snage naših kambodžanskih saveznika porasle su sa deset gerilskih timova na devet bataljona i 80 četa stalnih trupa ukupne snage 20.000 vojnika, plus stotine gerilskih odreda i vodova u selima. " [77]

Dana 29. aprila 1970., jedinice Južnog Vijetnama i SAD-a pokrenule su ograničenu, višestranu kambodžansku kampanju za koju se Washington nadao da će riješiti tri problema: Prvo, pružit će štit za američko povlačenje iz Vijetnama (uništavanjem logističkog sistema PAVN-a i ubijanjem neprijatelja trupe) u Kambodži, drugo, to bi predstavljalo test za politiku vijetnamizacije, treće, poslužilo bi kao signal Hanoju da Nixon misli na posao. [78] Uprkos tome što je Nixon cijenio poziciju Lon Nol -a, kambodžanski vođa nije ni unaprijed bio obaviješten o odluci da pošalje trupe u svoju zemlju. Saznao je o tome tek nakon što je započeo od šefa američke misije, koji je i sam saznao za to putem radijskog prijenosa. [79]

Opsežna logistička postrojenja i velike količine zaliha pronađeni su i uništeni, ali kako je otkriveno u izvješćima američke komande u Sajgonu, još veće količine vojnog materijala već su premještene dalje od granice kako bi se zaklonile od upada SAD -a i Kambodže Južni Vijetnam. [80]

Na dan kada je napad počeo, Sjeverni Vijetnamci su pokrenuli ofenzivu (Kampanja X) vlastite protiv snaga FANK -a na zahtjev Crvenih Kmera [81] i radi zaštite i proširenja njihovih osnovnih područja i logističkog sistema. [82] Do juna, tri mjeseca nakon uklanjanja Sihanouka, premjestili su vladine snage iz cijele sjeveroistočne trećine zemlje. Nakon što su porazili te snage, Sjeverni Vijetnamci su novoosvojene teritorije predali lokalnim pobunjenicima. Crveni Kmeri su također uspostavili "oslobođena" područja na jugu i jugozapadu zemlje, gdje su djelovali nezavisno od sjevernovijetnamaca. [30]

Suprotne strane Uredi

Kako su se brzo otkrile borbene operacije, dvije strane bile su jako neusklađene. FANK, čiji su se redovi povećali hiljadama mladih urbanih Kambodžana koji su mu se pridružili u mjesecima nakon uklanjanja Sihanouka, proširio se daleko iznad njegovih kapaciteta da primi nove ljude. [83] Kasnije, s obzirom na tisak taktičkih operacija i potrebu za zamjenom borbenih žrtava, nije bilo dovoljno vremena za prenošenje potrebnih vještina pojedincima ili jedinicama, a nedostatak obuke ostao je promašaj postojanja FANK -a do njegovog sloma. [84] Tokom perioda 1974–1975, snage FANK -a su zvanično porasle sa 100.000 na otprilike 250.000 ljudi, ali vjerovatno ih je bilo samo oko 180.000 zbog povećanja plata od strane njihovih oficira i zbog dezerterstva. [85]

Američka vojna pomoć (municija, zalihe i oprema) doznačena je FANK -u putem Tima za isporuku vojne opreme, Kambodža (MEDTC). Tim koji je ovlastio ukupno 113 službenika i ljudi, stigao je u Phnom Penh 1971. godine [86], pod sveukupnom komandom admirala CINCPAC -a Johna S. McCaina Jr. [87] Stav Nixonove administracije mogao bi se sažeti savjetima given by Henry Kissinger to the first head of the liaison team, Colonel Jonathan Ladd: "Don't think of victory just keep it alive." [88] Nevertheless, McCain constantly petitioned the Pentagon for more arms, equipment, and staff for what he proprietarily viewed as "my war". [89]

There were other problems. The officer corps of FANK was generally corrupt and greedy. [90] The inclusion of "ghost" soldiers allowed massive payroll padding ration allowances were kept by the officers while their men starved and the sale of arms and ammunition on the black market (or to the enemy) was commonplace. [91] [92] Worse, the tactical ineptitude among FANK officers was as common as their greed. [93] Lon Nol frequently bypassed the general staff and directed operations down to battalion-level while also forbidding any real coordination between the army, navy and air force. [94]

The common soldiers fought bravely at first, but they were saddled with low pay (with which they had to purchase their own food and medical care), ammunition shortages, and mixed equipment. Due to the pay system, there were no allotments for their families, who were, therefore, forced to follow their husbands/sons into the battle zones. These problems (exacerbated by continuously declining morale) only increased over time. [90]

At the beginning of 1974, the Cambodian army inventory included 241,630 rifles, 7,079 machine guns, 2,726 mortars, 20,481 grenade launchers, 304 recoilless rifles, 289 howitzers, 202 APCs, and 4,316 trucks. The Khmer Navy had 171 vessels the Khmer Air Force had 211 aircraft, including 64 North American T-28s, 14 Douglas AC-47 gunships and 44 helicopters. American Embassy military personnel – who were only supposed to coordinate the arms aid program – sometimes found themselves involved in prohibited advisory and combat tasks.

When PAVN forces were supplanted, it was by the tough, rigidly indoctrinated peasant army of the Khmer Rouge with its core of seasoned leaders, who now received the full support of Hanoi. Khmer Rouge forces, which had been reorganized at an Indochinese summit held in Guangzhou, China in April 1970, would grow from 12–15,000 in 1970 to 35–40,000 by 1972, when the so-called "Khmerization" of the conflict took place and combat operations against the Republic were handed over completely to the insurgents. [95]

The development of these forces took place in three stages. 1970 to 1972 was a period of organization and recruitment, during which Khmer Rouge units served as auxiliaries to the PAVN. From 1972 to mid-1974, the insurgents formed units of battalion and regimental size. It was during this period that the Khmer Rouge began to break away from Sihanouk and his supporters and the collectivization of agriculture was begun in the "liberated" areas. Division-sized units were being fielded by 1974–1975, when the party was on its own and began the radical transformation of the country. [96]

With the fall of Sihanouk, Hanoi became alarmed at the prospect of a pro-Western regime that might allow the Americans to establish a military presence on their western flank. To prevent that from happening, they began transferring their military installations away from the border regions to locations deeper within Cambodian territory. A new command center was established at the city of Kratié and the timing of the move was propitious. President Nixon was of the opinion that:

We need a bold move in Cambodia to show that we stand with Lon Nol. something symbolic. for the only Cambodian regime that had the guts to take a pro-Western and pro-American stand. [79]

Chenla II Uredi

During the night of 21 January 1971, a force of 100 PAVN/Viet Cong commandos attacked Pochentong airfield, the main base of the Khmer Air Force. In this one action, the raiders destroyed almost the entire inventory of government aircraft, including all of its fighter planes. This may have been a blessing in disguise, however, since the air force was largely composed of old (even obsolete) Soviet aircraft. The Americans soon replaced the airplanes with more advanced models. The attack did, however, stall a proposed FANK offensive. Two weeks later, Lon Nol suffered a stroke and was evacuated to Hawaii for treatment. It had been a mild stroke, however, and the general recovered quickly, returning to Cambodia after only two months.

It was not until 20 August that FANK launched Operation Chenla II, its first offensive of the year. The objective of the campaign was to clear Route 6 of enemy forces and thereby reopen communications with Kompong Thom, the Republic's second largest city, which had been isolated from the capital for more than a year. The operation was initially successful, and the city was relieved. The PAVN and Khmer Rouge counterattacked in November and December, annihilating government forces in the process. There was never an accurate count of the losses, but the estimate was "on the order of ten battalions of personnel and equipment lost plus the equipment of an additional ten battalions." [97] The strategic result of the failure of Chenla II was that the offensive initiative passed completely into the hands of PAVN and the Khmer Rouge.

Struggling to survive Edit

From 1972 through 1974, the war was conducted along FANK's lines of communications north and south of the capital. Limited offensives were launched to maintain contact with the rice-growing regions of the northwest and along the Mekong River and Route 5, the Republic's overland connections to South Vietnam. The strategy of the Khmer Rouge was to gradually cut those lines of communication and squeeze Phnom Penh. As a result, FANK forces became fragmented, isolated, and unable to lend one another mutual support.

The main U.S. contribution to the FANK effort came in the form of the bombers and tactical aircraft of the U.S. Air Force. When President Nixon launched the incursion in 1970, American and South Vietnamese troops operated under an umbrella of air cover that was designated Operation Freedom Deal. When those troops were withdrawn, the air operation continued, ostensibly to interdict PAVN/Viet Cong troop movements and logistics. [98] In reality (and unknown to the U.S. Congress and American public), they were utilized to provide tactical air support to FANK. [99] As a former U.S. military officer in Phnom Penh reported, "the areas around the Mekong River were so full of bomb craters from B-52 strikes that, by 1973, they looked like the valleys of the moon." [100]

On 10 March 1972, just before the newly renamed Constituent Assembly was to approve a revised constitution, Lon Nol suspended the deliberations. He then forced Cheng Heng, the head of state since Sihanouk's deposition, to surrender his authority to him. On the second anniversary of the coup, Lon Nol relinquished his authority as head of state, but retained his position as prime minister and defense minister.

On 4 June, Lon Nol was elected as the first president of the Khmer Republic in a blatantly rigged election. [101] As per the new constitution (ratified on 30 April), political parties formed in the new nation, quickly becoming a source of political factionalism. General Sutsakhan stated: "the seeds of democratization, which had been thrown into the wind with such goodwill by the Khmer leaders, returned for the Khmer Republic nothing but a poor harvest." [94]

In January 1973, hope was renewed when the Paris Peace Accords were signed, ending the conflict (for the time being) in South Vietnam and Laos. On 29 January, Lon Nol proclaimed a unilateral cease-fire throughout the nation. All U.S. bombing operations were halted in hopes of securing a chance for peace. Nije trebalo biti. The Khmer Rouge simply ignored the proclamation and carried on fighting. By March, heavy casualties, desertions, and low recruitment had forced Lon Nol to introduce conscription, and in April insurgent forces launched an offensive that pushed into the suburbs of the capital. The U.S. Air Force responded by launching an intense bombing operation that forced the communists back into the countryside after being decimated by the air strikes. [102] The U.S. Seventh Air Force argued that the bombing prevented the fall of Phnom Penh in 1973 by killing 16,000 of 25,500 Khmer Rouge fighters besieging the city. [103]

By the last day of Operation Freedom Deal (15 August 1973), 250,000 tons of bombs had been dropped on the Khmer Republic, 82,000 tons of which had been released in the last 45 days of the operation. [104] Since the inception of Operation Menu in 1969, the U.S. Air Force had dropped 539,129 tons of ordnance on Cambodia/Khmer Republic. [105]

Shape of things to come Edit

As late as 1972–1973, it was a commonly held belief, both within and outside Cambodia, that the war was essentially a foreign conflict that had not fundamentally altered the nature of the Khmer people. [106] By late 1973, there was a growing awareness among the government and population of Cambodia that the extremism, total lack of concern over casualties, and complete rejection of any offer of peace talks "began to suggest that Khmer Rouge fanaticism and capacity for violence were deeper than anyone had suspected." [106]

Reports of the brutal policies of the organization soon made their way to Phnom Penh and into the population foretelling the violence that was about to consume the nation. There were tales of the forced relocations of entire villages, of the summary execution of any who disobeyed or even asked questions, the forbidding of religious practices, of monks who were defrocked or murdered, and where traditional sexual and marital habits were foresworn. [107] [108] War was one thing the offhand manner in which the Khmer Rouge dealt out death, so contrary to the Khmer character, was quite another. [109] Reports of these atrocities began to surface during the same period in which North Vietnamese troops were withdrawing from the Cambodian battlefields. This was no coincidence. The concentration of the PAVN effort on South Vietnam allowed the Khmer Rouge to apply their doctrine and policies without restraint for the first time. [110]

The Khmer Rouge leadership was almost completely unknown by the public. They were referred to by their fellow countrymen as peap prey – the forest army. Previously, the very existence of the communist party as a component of GRUNK had been hidden. [107] Within the "liberated zones" it was simply referred to as "Angka" – the organization. During 1973, the communist party fell under the control of its most fanatical members, Pol Pot and Son Sen, who believed that "Cambodia was to go through a total social revolution and that everything that had preceded it was anathema and must be destroyed." [110]

Also hidden from scrutiny was the growing antagonism between the Khmer Rouge and their North Vietnamese allies. [110] [111] The radical leadership of the party could never escape the suspicion that Hanoi had designs on building an Indochinese federation with the North Vietnamese as its master. [112] The Khmer Rouge were ideologically tied to the Chinese, while North Vietnam's chief supporters, the Soviet Union, still recognized the Lon Nol government as legitimate. [113]

After the signing of the Paris Peace Accords, PAVN cut off the supply of arms to the Khmer Rouge, hoping to force them into a cease-fire. [110] [114] When the Americans were freed by the signing of the accords to turn their air power completely on the Khmer Rouge, this too was blamed on Hanoi. [115] During the year, these suspicions and attitudes led the party leadership to carry out purges within their ranks. Most of the Hanoi-trained members were then executed on the orders of Pol Pot. [116]

As time passed, the need of the Khmer Rouge for the support of Prince Sihanouk lessened. The organization demonstrated to the people of the 'liberated' areas in no uncertain terms that open expressions of support for Sihanouk would result in their liquidation. [117] Although the prince still enjoyed the protection of the Chinese, when he made public appearances overseas to publicize the GRUNK cause, he was treated with almost open contempt by Ministers Ieng Sary and Khieu Samphan. [118] In June, the prince told Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci that when "they [the Khmer Rouge] have sucked me dry, they will spit me out like a cherry stone." [119]

By the end of 1973, Sihanouk loyalists had been purged from all of GRUNK's ministries, and all of the prince's supporters within the insurgent ranks were also eliminated. [110] Shortly after Christmas, as the insurgents were gearing up for their final offensive, Sihanouk spoke with the French diplomat Etienne Manac'h. He said that his hopes for a moderate socialism akin to Yugoslavia's must now be totally dismissed. Stalinist Albania, he said, would be the model. [120]

Fall of Phnom Penh Edit

By the time the Khmer Rouge initiated their dry-season offensive to capture the beleaguered Cambodian capital on 1 January 1975, the Republic was in chaos. The economy had been gutted, the transportation network had been reduced to air and waterways, the rice harvest had fallen by one-quarter, and the supply of freshwater fish (the chief source of protein for the country) had declined drastically. The cost of food was 20 times greater than pre-war levels, while unemployment was not even measured anymore. [121]

Phnom Penh, which had a pre-war population of around 600,000, was overwhelmed by refugees (who continued to flood in from the steadily collapsing defense perimeter), growing to a size of around two million. These helpless and desperate civilians had no jobs and little in the way of food, shelter, or medical care. Their condition (and the government's) only worsened when Khmer Rouge forces gradually gained control of the banks of the Mekong. From the riverbanks, their mines and gunfire steadily reduced the river convoys through which 90 percent of the Republic's supplies moved, bringing relief supplies of food, fuel, and ammunition to the slowly starving city from South Vietnam. [122]

After the river was effectively blocked in early February, the U.S. began an airlift of supplies into Pochentong Airport. This became increasingly risky, however, due to communist rocket and artillery fire, which constantly rained down on the airfield and city. The Khmer Rouge cut off overland supplies to the city for more than a year before it fell on 17 April 1975. Reports from journalists stated that the Khmer Rouge shelling "tortured the capital almost continuously," inflicting "random death and mutilation" on millions of trapped civilians. [123]

Desperate but determined units of FANK soldiers, many of whom had run out of ammunition, dug in around the capital and fought until they were overrun as the Khmer Rouge advanced. By the last week of March 1975, approximately 40,000 communist troops had surrounded the capital and began preparing to deliver the coup de grace to about half as many FANK forces. [124]

Lon Nol resigned and left the country on 1 April, hoping that a negotiated settlement might still be possible if he was absent from the political scene. [125] Saukam Khoy became acting president of a government that had less than three weeks to live. Last-minute efforts on the part of the U.S. to arrange a peace agreement involving Sihanouk ended in failure. When a vote in the U.S. Congress for a resumption of American air support failed, panic and a sense of doom pervaded the capital. The situation was best described by General Sak Sutsakhan (now FANK chief of staff):

The picture of the Khmer Republic which came to mind at that time was one of a sick man who survived only by outside means and that, in its condition, the administration of medication, however efficient it might be, was probably of no further value. [126]

On 12 April, concluding that all was lost, the U.S. evacuated its embassy personnel by helicopter during Operation Eagle Pull. The 276 evacuees included U.S. Ambassador John Gunther Dean, other American diplomatic personnel, Acting President Saukam Khoy, senior Khmer Republic government officials and their families, and members of the news media. In all, 82 U.S., 159 Cambodian, and 35 third-country nationals were evacuated. [127] Although invited by Ambassador Dean to join the evacuation (and much to the Americans' surprise), Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak, Long Boret, Lon Non (Lon Nol's brother), and most members of Lon Nol's cabinet declined the offer. [128] All of them chose to share the fate of their people. Their names were not published on the death lists and many trusted the Khmer Rouge's assertions that former government officials would not be murdered, but would be welcome in helping to rebuild a new Cambodia.

After the Americans (and Saukam Khoy) had departed, a seven-member Supreme Committee, headed by General Sak Sutsakhan, assumed authority over the collapsing Republic. By 15 April, the last solid defenses of the city were overcome by the communists. In the early morning hours of 17 April, the committee decided to move the seat of government to Oddar Meanchey Province in the northwest. Around 10:00, the voice of General Mey Si Chan of the FANK general staff broadcast on the radio, ordering all FANK forces to cease firing, since "negotiations were in progress" for the surrender of Phnom Penh. [129]

The war was over, but the sinister plans of the Khmer Rouge were about to come to fruition in the newly proclaimed Democratic Kampuchea. Long Boret was captured and beheaded on the grounds of the Cercle Sportif, while a similar fate would await Sirik Matak and other senior officials. [130] Captured FANK officers were taken to the Monoram Hotel to write their biographies and then taken to the Olympic Stadium, where they were executed. [130] : 192–3 Khmer Rouge troops immediately began to forcibly empty the capital city, driving the population into the countryside and killing tens of thousands of civilians in the process. The Year Zero had begun.

Of 240,000 Khmer–Cambodian deaths during the war, French demographer Marek Sliwinski attributes 46.3% to firearms, 31.7% to assassinations (a tactic primarily used by the Khmer Rouge), 17.1% to (mainly U.S.) bombing, and 4.9% to accidents. An additional 70,000 Cambodians of Vietnamese descent were massacred with the complicity of Lon Nol's government during the war. [6]

Atrocities Edit

In the Cambodian Civil War, Khmer Rouge insurgents reportedly committed atrocities during the war. These include the murder of civilians and POWs by slowly sawing off their heads a little more each day, [131] the destruction of Buddhist wats and the killing of monks, [132] attacks on refugee camps involving the deliberate murder of babies and bomb threats against foreign aid workers, [133] the abduction and assassination of journalists, [134] and the shelling of Phnom Penh for more than a year. [135] Journalist accounts stated that the Khmer Rouge shelling "tortured the capital almost continuously", inflicting "random death and mutilation" on 2 million trapped civilians. [136]

The Khmer Rouge forcibly evacuated the entire city after taking it, in what has been described as a death march: François Ponchaud wrote: "I shall never forget one cripple who had neither hands nor feet, writhing along the ground like a severed worm, or a weeping father carrying his ten-year-old daughter wrapped in a sheet tied around his neck like a sling, or the man with his foot dangling at the end of a leg to which it was attached by nothing but skin" [137] John Swain recalled that the Khmer Rouge were "tipping out patients from the hospitals like garbage into the streets . In five years of war, this is the greatest caravan of human misery I have seen." [138]

Use of children Edit

The Khmer Rouge exploited thousands of desensitized, conscripted children in their early teens to commit mass murder and other atrocities during the genocide. [10] The indoctrinated children were taught to follow any order without hesitation. [10] During its guerrilla war after it was deposed, the Khmer Rouge continued to use children widely until at least 1998. [139] During this period, the children were deployed mainly in unpaid support roles, such as ammunition-carriers, and also as combatants. [139]


Discovery Of 16-Inch-Long Saber-Toothed Tiger Skull Proves They Were Bigger Than We Thought

Wikimedia Commons Illustration of Smilodon populator, one of the biggest cats ever known.

During the Pleistocene era some 11,700 years ago, South America was a hotbed of giant predators, among them the Smilodon populator — one of the biggest cats to ever walk the Earth.

Scientists knew that these saber-toothed predators were massive but nothing could have prepared them to discover just how gargantuan these cats could get.

A newly examined skull of a Smilodon populator measured a whopping 16 inches, a measurement that dwarfed previously found specimens.


Povezani videozapisi

Dozens of veterans and their families came together at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial wall in the District to honor.

Sgt. Robert Kelley died in April 2020, and COVID-related restrictions at the time prevented a proper funeral.

If you are looking for ways to pay tribute to those who made the ultimate sacrifice this Memorial Day.

Historian Rick Atkinson's "The Long Gray Line" follows the West Point class of 1966 as they're sent to fight.

The veteran enjoyed music, cake, a family Zoom and proclamations from local and state officials.

The Purple Heart is a military service honor generally awarded to humans, but it has been given to a.


U.S. bombs Cambodia for the first time - Mar 18, 1969 - HISTORY.com

SP5 Mark Kuzinski

U.S. B-52 bombers are diverted from their targets in South Vietnam to attack suspected communist base camps and supply areas in Cambodia for the first time in the war. President Nixon approved the mission–formally designated Operation Breakfast–at a meeting of the National Security Council on March 15. This mission and subsequent B-52 strikes inside Cambodia became known as the “Menu” bombings. A total of 3,630 flights over Cambodia dropped 110,000 tons of bombs during a 14-month period through April 1970. This bombing of Cambodia and all follow up “Menu” operations were kept secret from the American public and the U.S. Congress because Cambodia was ostensibly neutral. To keep the secret, an intricate reporting system was established at the Pentagon to prevent disclosure of the bombing. Although the New York Times broke the story of the secret bombing campaign in May 1969, there was little adverse public reaction.

U.S. bombs Cambodia for the first time - Mar 18, 1969 - HISTORY.com


Sadržaj

In 1993, Duane Peters left The Exploding Fuck Dolls and teamed up with Kerry Martinez to start a new band called U.S. Bombs. The band's first release was a double 7" called "Scouts of America" released in 1994 on Vinyl Dog Records with Peters on vocals, Martinez on guitar, Steve Reynolds on bass, and Benny Rapp III on drums. Next they released their first full length Put Strength in the Final Blow.

After a few different lineup changes in their early years, they settled into a lineup of Peters, Martinez, and Reynolds, with Chuck Briggson guitar and Alex Gomez on drums. In 1996, they released their second album Garibaldi Guard! on Alive Records. The next year, they put out an EP called Nevermind the Opened Minds. Here's the U.S. Bombs.

In 1997, due to touring commitments, the rhythm section of the band was replaced with Wade Walston on bass and Chip Hanna on drums. That year, the band released a 10" picture disc on Outsider Records. Next they moved to Tim Armstrong's Hellcat Records for a 4-record deal. The first album on Hellcat was War Birth.

Before the band's fourth full-length, Svijet, guitarist Chuck Briggs died. Briggs was replaced by Jonny "Two Bags" Wickersham. Svijet was released in 1999.

During this time, the band developed a relationship with Beer City Records/Skateboards and released three 7" records with them. In 1997, they released "Outtakes from a Beer City Basement" which had two exclusive songs, "Hot Seat" (an Empire cover) and "Rejected". Next was a split with The Bristles, where the U.S. Bombs did a cover of the Radio Birdman song "Breaks My Heart". The third Beer City release was called "The Great Lakes of Beer" in 2001 and had two exclusive songs, "The Great Lakes of Beer" and "The Critic!".

In 2000, Peters left to start his new band, Duane Peters and the Hunns. After a few releases and some touring, in 2001 he had to return to the studio with the U.S. Bombs as they were still under contract to make 2 more records with Hellcat. They recorded Back at the Laundromat, their fifth full length.

The band appeared on Premium Blend as the stage band during Jim Breuer's hosting stint, and contributed the song "Yer Country" to the soundtrack for Tony Hawk's Pro Skater 4.

In 2006, the U.S. Bombs recorded their 7th full-length album. With Peters, Martinez, Gove, Jaime Reidling and studio bassists, they released We Are The Problem on Sailor's Grave Records.

In March 2015, Peters posted on Instagram, "The Bombs 1993–2013 RIP". In a separate post, he confirmed that the band had broken up.

In the spring of 2017, Peters posted on Instagram that he was going to be getting the U.S. Bombs back together with a completely new crew. The band scheduled a west coast tour for late Summer 2017 including the "It's Not Dead" festival. Peters announced that a new 7" of Clash covers was recorded and slated for release on Slope Records in 2017.

Road Case, the band's first album in twelve years, was released on November 23, 2018. [2]


History of Khmer Rouge (1975 to 1979)

They firstly built up in the 1960s in the jungle during the American War in Vietnam.

After neutral Cambodia was bombed with 2.7 million tons of U.S. bombs that killed 500,000 back into the stone age almost, during the American War Pol Pot came into power after a short civil war when he overtook Phnom Penh in 1975:

  • He had one of the most radical ideas for a revolution in history
  • He renamed the country Kampuchea
  • He wanted to rid the country of the entire past after taking over Phnom Penh
  • So they declared it year zero and set about creating a peasant dominated agrarian society

The Khmer Rouge regime was highly autocratic, xenophobic, paranoid and repressive. The genocide was in part the result of the regime’s social engineering policies. Its attempts at agricultural reform through collectivization led to widespread famine, (spiders became one of the popular survival foods), while its insistence on absolute self-sufficiency even in the supply of medicine led to the death of many thousands from treatable diseases such as malaria. The Khmer Rouge’s racist emphasis on national purity included several genocides of Cambodian minorities. Arbitrary executions and torture were carried out by its cadres against perceived subversive elements, or during genocidal purges of its own ranks between 1975 and 1978.

They immediately abolished currency and postal services and executed all previous government and other professionals while at the same time sending millions to work in slave-like conditions in the fields, immediately executing anyone who resisted. They wanted to cut off all contact with the outside world This short reign of horrors saw almost 2 million deaths or 25% of the population before the Vietnamese defeated them while the rest of the world had looked on.

The regime was removed from power in 1979 when Vietnam entered Cambodia and quickly destroyed most of the Khmer Rouge’s forces. The Khmer Rouge then fled to Thailand, whose government saw them as a buffer force against the Communist Vietnamese. The United States and China and their allies, notably the Thatcher government, backed Pol Pot in exile in Thailand, providing the Khmers with intelligence, food, weapons and military training. The Khmer Rouge continued to fight the Vietnamese and the new People’s Republic of Kampuchea government during the Cambodian–Vietnamese War which ended in 1989.

Pol Pot himself was born in 1925 and passed away in 1997. His real name was Saloth Sar.

He was educated at the most elite Cambodian schools before leaving for Paris where he joined the French Communist Party and adopted his Marxist-Leninist ideology.
He returned to Cambodia in 1953 working as a teacher. Over the years he helped develop the Kampuchea Communist Party and eventually, backed by some foreign governments including the U.S. & U.K. started a war against the central government, taking over in 1975 and the rest is history.

Not for the faint-hearted today are the “TOURIST ATTRACTIONS” of the killing fields of Choeung Ek and the even more disturbing Tuol Sleng Museum, (S24), of genocidal crimes.

For those not up to these things, Phnom Penh has numerous other more palatable attractions such as the Silver Pagoda complex and the National Museum which houses some amazing centuries-old relics.

Phnom Penh was once known as the Paris Of The East. So like in many parts of the country the French era architecture can still be seen today.

Again like pub street in Siem Reap, Sisowath Quay will cool you down with happy hour riverside as you reflect on the history of the Khmer Rouge, at the end of the day.


This Uninhabited Island Off of Massachusetts Is Littered With Bombs

Nomans Land, Massachusetts, is unusual for the heavily populated New England coast. The island could have ended up like a miniature version of Martha’s Vineyard—the upscale vacation destination that sits just five kilometers to the north. Instead it’s brimming with spotted turtles and myriad migratory birds—a de facto wildlife sanctuary with little human presence. And there’s a good reason for that: from 1943 to 1996, the island served as a bombing range for the US Navy. In spite of previous cleanup efforts, Nomans Land remains littered with unexploded explosive ordnance (UXO) that has rendered it closed to the public.

But despite half a century of destruction, life has flourished on the island. And now, area residents are embroiled in a question that is at once philosophical and practical: what to do with Nomans Land.

Gus Ben David, a naturalist, biologist, and third-generation Martha’s Vineyard resident first visited Nomans Land in 1973, when he was sent by the local newspaper to report on the state of the island. He has spent more time there than any other civilian, and today is championing the view that the island should be left alone. Nomans Land has become a paradise for wildlife unbothered by humankind, Ben David says. If the remaining ordnance doesn’t harm the wildlife, then it poses no problem, he says, and any further attempts to remove the unexploded weapons could jeopardize the habitat.

“Wildlife is a product of habitat,” Ben David says. “You protect the habitat, and you have your wildlife.”

But there are those who want to see a renewed effort to clean up the island. Some hope to eventually be able to set foot on the picturesque spot. Others are worried that unexploded bombs could find their way to sea and wash up on nearby Martha’s Vineyard.

A 509th Bombardment Wing FB-111A aircraft drops Mark 82 high drag practice bombs along a coastline during a training exercise over Nomans Land. (Wikipedia)

Brian McCarty, an ecologist, US Air Force veteran, and fishing guide, thinks the island needs to be cleaned up. He’d like to see the island opened to limited visitors—for research and for community members to reconnect with it. “You don’t manage anything by leaving it alone entirely and not having a connection to it,” he says.

But his motivation also stems from a more pragmatic concern. While the potential for the UXOs to explode is valid, he’s more concerned that corroding munitions could pollute the soil and groundwater. McCarty explains that the only fresh water on Martha’s Vineyard, where he lives, comes from the same aquifer that underlies Nomans Land. Anything that corrodes in the soil on Nomans Land, he says, will end up contaminating the water on Martha’s Vineyard.

Beyond ecological or public health concerns, there are serious cultural concerns that must be taken into account when discussing what to do with the island.

While the origin of the name Nomans Land is disputed, one explanation is that a Wampanoag leader named Tequenoman once had domain over the island—that is, Tequenoman’s land. What isn’t disputed, however, is that his people, the Wampanoag Tribe of Gay Head, lived there long before it was a bombing range.

As reported in the Vineyard Gazette, Bret Stearns, speaking on behalf of the tribe at a public hearing, said the Wampanoags want “greater and safer access to the island, both for cultural use, and for general access by tribal members.”

The opinions of those engaged in the public debate about what to do with Nomans Land are varied and passionately held, says Alex Bushe, a documentary filmmaker working on a project about the island. “I think that there are good arguments from all sides. It’s a really, really tough call.”

There is allure to the idea of leaving the island to nature—freeing it of human footprints and influence. There is a logical impulse to clean up humanity’s mess, to manage the island and connect with it. There is a duty to return the land to those who lived there long before any bombs were dropped. What remains unclear is if, how, or when, all parties can arrive at a consensus.


The VA and VVA focus on U.S. veterans. Australia is an example of an allied nation that recognizes its Vietnam veterans. It uses the time frame May 23, 1962, to April 29, 1975.

  • VA Introduction
  • VVA Application
  • Counseling Eligibility
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  • NBC Bay Area. “Vietnam Veterans Suffer from PTSD Many Years Later,” Accessed Feb. 11, 2020.
  • CBS News. “Panel: Agent Orange Harm Has Cost $300 Million,” Accessed Feb. 11, 2020.
  • U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs. “Veterans’ Diseases Associated with Agent Orange,” Accessed Feb. 11, 2020.
  • ProPublica. “Long List of Agent Orange Decisions Awaits VA in 2017,” Accessed Feb. 11, 2020.
  • KTVO. “History Shows Costs of U.S. Wars Linger for More Than 100 Years,” Accessed Feb. 11, 2020.
  • U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs. “Agent Orange Settlement Fund,” Accessed Feb. 11, 2020.
  • U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs. “Ischemic Heart Disease and Agent Orange,” Accessed Feb. 11, 2020.
  • The National Bureau of Economic Research. “The Great Inflation: The Rebirth of Modern Central Banking,” Accessed Feb. 10, 2020.
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  • Istorija. "Watergate Scandal," Accessed Feb. 19, 2020.

This article was written by PocketSense staff. If you have any questions, please reach out to us on our contact us page.


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