Država u kojoj su žene glasale mnogo prije 19. amandmana

Država u kojoj su žene glasale mnogo prije 19. amandmana



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Kada je državni sekretar Bainbridge Colby stavio svoj potpis na 19. amandman 26. avgusta 1920. godine, žene širom Sjedinjenih Država stekle su glasačko pravo. Novi ustavni amandman, međutim, nije donio nikakvu promjenu u jednom dijelu zemlje u kojem su žene decenijama glasale, o kojem se često mislilo kao o bastionu grube muškosti i "bez mjesta za ženu" - na Divljem zapadu.

Iako pravo žena na glasanje nije bilo posebno utvrđeno Ustavom SAD -a prije 19. amandmana, ono nije ni zabranjeno. Na primjer, slobodnim ženama koje posjeduju imovinu "vrijednu pedeset funti" bilo je dozvoljeno glasati u New Jerseyu između 1776. i 1807. prije nego što je pravo ograničeno na bijele muškarce. Kentaki je 1838. dozvolio udovicama sa djecom školskog uzrasta da glasaju na školskim izborima, a Kanzas je uslijedio 1861.

PROČITAJTE JOŠ: Pokret za izborno pravo žena započeo je čajankom

Izborno pravo žena, međutim, još uvijek nije postojalo kada je 1869. William Bright, čuvar salona i predsjednik gornjeg doma teritorije Wyoming, predstavio zakon kojim se svim stanovnicama od 21 godine i starijima daje pravo glasa. Prema Državnom istorijskom društvu Wyoming -a, teritorijalno zakonodavstvo je već donijelo progresivne mjere koje garantuju ženama nastavnicima istu platu kao i muškarcima i davaju udate žene imovinskim pravima osim njihovih muževa. Brightina mjera koja podržava univerzalno biračko pravo žena bila bi, međutim, revolucionarna u Sjedinjenim Državama.

Nacrt zakona usvojio je oba doma potpuno muškog zakonodavnog tijela, a zakon je 10. decembra 1869. potpisao republikanski guverner John Campbell. Narednog septembra, 69-godišnja Louisa Swain, koju su lokalne novine opisale kao „nježnu domaćicu sa sijedom kosom“ postala je prva žena koja je glasala prema zakonu u svom gradu Laramie, Wyoming. Nije bilo protesta. "U našoj je zajednici bilo previše zdravog razuma da bi se u takvoj prilici mogli vidjeti bilo kakvi podsmijesi ili podsmijesi", izvijestila je Laramie Sentinel. Novi zakon je takođe omogućio ženama da rade u porotama i da obavljaju javne funkcije. Esther Morris postala je prva mirovna sudija u Wyomingu 1870. godine, a tokom svog mandata sudila je u više od 40 slučajeva.

Zašto je ova rijetko naseljena teritorija na grubim rubovima granice bila u avangardi ženskih prava? Dok su Bright i drugi vjerovali u ideale rodne ravnopravnosti, Državno historijsko društvo Wyoming kaže da su postojali i drugi faktori.

Na teritoriji gdje su muškarci nadmašili žene u omjeru 6 prema 1, neki su se nadali da bi publicitet iz mjere mogao privući slobodne žene u Wyoming kako bi se ispravila rodna neravnoteža, kao i kako bi joj se pomoglo da dosegne prag populacije potreban za podnošenje zahtjeva za državnost. Politika je također igrala ulogu jer su se neki demokratski zakonodavci nadali da će zakon staviti republikanskog guvernera u tešku poziciju. Da je Campbell, čija je stranka zagovarala afroamerička glasačka prava, stavio veto na tu mjeru, izgledao bi licemjerno. Ako to prođe, demokrate su mislile da će ih glasači nagraditi za uvođenje mjere.

PROČITAJTE JOŠ: Žene koje su se borile za glasanje

Na veliku žalost tih demokrata, međutim, republikanci su dobili mjesta u teritorijalnom zakonodavnom tijelu i dobili glas za teritorijalnog predstavnika u Kongresu dvije godine nakon što je Campbell potpisao zakon. Optužujući za izbore tek biračke birače, demokrate su usvojile zakon o zabrani biračkog prava žena, ali im je nedostajao jedan glas da nadjačaju Campbellov veto.

"Wyoming je prvo mjesto na Božjoj zelenoj zemlji koje bi se dosljedno moglo tvrditi da je zemlja slobodnih!" proglasila je voditeljicu ženskog prava glasa Susan B. Anthony. Susjedna teritorija Utah brzo je slijedila vodstvo Wyominga donošenjem glasačkog prava žena u februaru 1870. Zapadne teritorije Washington i Montana donijele su slične mjere 1880 -ih.

Kada je Wyoming dvije decenije nakon historijskog glasanja tražio državnost, građani te teritorije odobrili su ustav koji zadržava pravo žena da glasaju. Kada je Kongres zaprijetio da će Wyoming držati izvan Unije ako ne ukine odredbu, teritorij je odbio pomaknuti se. "Ostat ćemo izvan Unije sto godina radije nego ući bez žena", izjavilo je teritorijalno zakonodavstvo u telegramu vođama Kongresa. Kongres je popustio, a Wyoming je postao prva država koja je ženama dala pravo glasa kada je postala 44. država u državi 1890.

Zapad je i dalje bio najprogresivniji region zemlje po punom biračkom pravu. Kolorado je to odobrio 1893. godine, a Idaho je isto učinio tri godine kasnije. Kongres je obespravio žene zajedno sa zabranom poligamije u Utahu 1887, ali žene su povratile pravo glasa kada je teritorija postala država 1896. Nakon 1910. pridružili su im se Washington, California, Arizona, Kansas, Oregon, Montana, Nevada, Oklahoma, Južna Dakota i teritorij Aljaske. (Čak i prije usvajanja 19. amandmana, Montana je izabrala ženu Jeannette Rankin u Zastupnički dom SAD -a 1916.) Prema podacima Nacionalnog centra za ustav, do 1919. godine bilo je 15 država u kojima su žene imale puno pravo glasa, a samo su dva od njih bila istočno od rijeke Mississippi. Desetak država koje su ženama ograničavale da glasaju na bilo kojim izborima bile su prvenstveno na jugu i istoku.

Čak i nakon usvajanja 19. amandmana, Wyoming je nastavio tražiti trag žena u politici kada je Nellie Tayloe Ross 1924. izabrana za prvu žensku guvernerku zemlje. Zbog svoje prve uloge, Wyoming je usvojio nadimak „država ravnopravnosti“, i njegov moto je „Jednaka prava“.

PROČITAJTE JOŠ: 19. Amandman: Vremenski okvir borbe za pravo glasa svih žena


Država u kojoj su žene glasale mnogo prije 19. amandmana - POVIJEST

Niko ne zna da li je New Jersey to namjeravao učiniti. Kasnije su potpisnici državnog ustava jasno stavili do znanja da ga namjeravaju zadržati.

U ljeto 1776. godine kolonije su trebale kolektivno proglasiti nezavisnost, a Pokrajinski kongres u Trentonu žurio je s pisanjem državnog ustava. Državni tvorci su to napisali i položili za samo pet dana.

U dokumentu, gdje se objašnjavaju pravila za izabrane zvaničnike, guverner se naziva "on" svaki član skupštine, "on" šerif svakog okruga i njegovi mrtvozornici, "on".

Ali iz nekog razloga, kada opisuje pravila za biračko tijelo, kaže "oni". Svi stanovnici koji vrijede najmanje 50 funti i koji su godinu dana živjeli u New Jerseyju, "oni" će imati pravo glasa.

Gravura iz 1880. godine, Howarda Pylea u Harper’s Weekly -u, nosi naslov „Žene na biralištima u New Jerseyju u dobra stara vremena.“ Quot Istraživači su nedavno pronašli dokaze u anketama da su žene glasale u New Jerseyu kasnih 1700 -ih i ranih 1800 -ih. (Muzej američke revolucije)

I tako je, u prve tri decenije američke nezavisnosti, bilo legalno da neke žene iz New Jerseya glasaju, više od stoljeća prije usvajanja 19. amandmana.

Čak i ako je počelo kao slučajna rupa, statut iz 1790. razjašnjava da su „oni“ značili „on ili ona“ u sedam okruga New Jersey sa velikom populacijom kvakera. Godine 1797. drugi statut proširio je pravo glasa žena iz tih okruga na cijelu državu.

Decenijama postoje uglavnom anegdotski dokazi da je bilo koja žena zaista iskoristila ovo pravo - novinski izvještaji koji se žale na glasanje žena i kopija spiska sa dva imena koja su mogla biti ženska, ili su imena muškaraca pogrešno prepisana.

"Ovo je vrsta detektivskog posla koji historičari vole, jer je to neispričana priča", rekao je Philip Mead, glavni povjesničar u Muzeju američke revolucije u Philadelphiji.

Od 2018. muzejsko osoblje, predvođeno kustosicom Marcelom Micucci, kopalo se po državnom arhivu New Jerseyja, lokalnim historijskim društvima i drugim kulturnim institucijama tražeći čvršće dokaze.

Nakon mjeseci pretraživanja, dospjeli su u prljavštinu.

"Pronašli smo anketnu listu ... s izbora u općini Montgomery, okrug Somerset, u oktobru 1801. godine. Na toj listi bilo je 343 glasača, a 46 od njih su bile žene", rekao je Micucci za Washington Post. „Upao sam u [Mead -ovu] kancelariju, lista mi je bila odštampana u rukama, skačući gore -dolje. Bilo je vrlo uzbudljivo. ”

Od tada su muzejski istraživači pronašli još 18 anketnih lista, u rasponu od 1797. do 1807., od kojih devet sadrži ženska imena. Ukupno su identificirali 163 žene koje su glasale.

"Ovo nisu bile samo neke žene, već prilično veliki broj žena", rekao je Micucci.

Philip Mead, glavni povjesničar u Muzeju američke revolucije i kustosica Marcela Micucci vodili su istraživanje koje je pronašlo ženska imena na spiskovima anketa u New Jerseyju, poput ovog iz 1801. (Muzej američke revolucije)

Imena žena često se pojavljuju zajedno, što ukazuje na to da su na birališta došle u grupama, možda radi svoje zaštite, rekao je Mead.

"Mislim da je to samo po sebi izraz hrabrosti", rekao je.

Postojala su ograničenja. U to vrijeme udate žene općenito nisu imale vlasnička prava - ženska je imovina pri stupanju u brak pripala njenom mužu - što znači da su samo slobodne žene i udovice mogle ispuniti imovinski zahtjev za glasanje.

No, postojala je i druga iznenađujuća korist - da „oni“ u državnom ustavu nisu bili samo rodno neutralni, već i neutralni prema rasi. Muzejski tim je pronašao dokaze da je barem jedan slobodni crnac legalno glasao 1801. godine. Iako je teoretski moguće da su glasale i slobodne crnke, tim još nije dokazao da se to dogodilo. Već je teško pratiti bijele žene u povijesnim zapisima, objasnio je Micucci, a još više crnke. Moguće je da među 163 već pronađena imena postoji Crna žena, a istraživači jednostavno još nisu uspjeli pronaći biografske podatke o njoj u drugim postojećim zapisima.

Iako istraživači sada znaju da je glasanje žena bilo široko rasprostranjeno, tim nije pronašao dokaze o bilo kakvoj vrsti organiziranog proto-biračkog pokreta u kolonijalnoj eri, rekao je Mead.

To ne znači da je to izbjeglo zapažanje u mladoj naciji.

Nelly Custis, unuka Georgea Washingtona, jednom je opisao John Adams da je "skočila na konja i odjurila u galopu na biračko mjesto tražeći glasanje" kao vlasnica nekretnine, rekao je Mead.

U pismu iz 1797. svojoj sestri, tadašnja prva dama Abigail Adams zamolila ju je da ispriča gubitničkom kandidatu na lokalnoj utrci da je, ako je državni ustav u Massachusettsu “bio jednako liberalan s Ustavom New Jerseyja i da je primio žene na glasanje, ja svakako je trebao to učiniti u njegovo ime. ”

Tu je, naravno, i slavno Abigailino pismo svom mužu 1776. godine, u kojem ga se poziva da se "sjeti dama" dok su on i drugi osnivači razmišljali o nezavisnosti.

Oba ova pisma, zajedno s otkrivenim anketnim listama, bit će uključena u novu izložbu u muzeju pod nazivom „Kad su žene izgubile glas: revolucionarna priča 1776-1807“. Prvobitno je trebalo da bude otvoreno u avgustu, a sada je odloženo za oktobar zbog pandemije.

Žensko ime pojavljuje se na popisu ankete iz Državnog arhiva New Jersey iz 1801. Montgomery Township, N.J. (Muzej američke revolucije)

Pa kako su žene u New Jerseyju izgubile glas?

Na američki način - na oltaru partizanske politike.

Do trenutka kada je Washington napustio dužnost 1797. godine, borbe između novonastalih političkih stranaka - federalista i demokratskih republikanaca - postale su toliko ogorčene da je prvi predsjednik proveo veći dio svog oproštajnog obraćanja upozoravajući ih.

Situacija se pogoršala u sljedećoj deceniji, a s tim je došao i porast optužbi za prijevaru birača. 1802. godine politički lideri u okrugu Hunterdon zatražili su od zakonodavnog tijela New Jerseyja da poništi lokalne izbore, tvrdeći da su neki ljudi na biračkim spiskovima stanovnici Philadelphije, imigrantkinje, porobljene, a posebno udate žene, rekao je Micucci.

Godine 1806. u okrugu Essex, žene i obojeni ljudi ponovo su okrivljeni kada je misteriozno dato više glasova nego što je bilo glasača sa pravom glasa.

"Ovo je bio trenutak, 1807. godine, kada su Amerikanci imali ozbiljne sumnje u svoju demokratiju", rekao je Mead. "Mislim da su [zakonodavci] tražili veliku akciju koju bi mogli poduzeti da povrate povjerenje u glasački sistem, i grubo su žrtvovali žene, obojene osobe, imigrante."

Zakon je izmijenjen kako bi se uklonili imovinski zahtjevi i ograničila franšiza samo na bijelce.

“I, naravno, to nije bilo rješenje. Problemi s glasanjem su se nastavili ”, rekao je Mead.

Osam godina kasnije, u susjednom New Yorku, rođena je žena po imenu Elizabeth Cady. Odrastala je kao aktivistkinja, udala se za kolegu abolicionista Henryja Stantona, a 1848. godine susrela se s drugim pristalicama ženskih prava u vodopadu Seneca, gdje je predstavila nacrt Deklaracije osjećaja.

Do 1880. godine Elizabeth Cady Stanton živjela je u New Jerseyju, a budući da je tamo morala plaćati porez, odlučila je da će pokušati glasovati. Otišla je na biračko mjesto odjevena u "nedjeljnoj odjeći", ispričala je sa svojom prijateljicom Susan B. Anthony, koja je "uvijek bila spremna za bijeg na glasačkoj kutiji".

Izradila Adelaide Johnson, mramorni spomenik sufragistkinjama Lucretii Mott, Elizabeth Cady Stanton i Susan B. Anthony nalazi se u američkoj Rotondi. (Fritz Hahn/Washington Post)

Inspektor joj je odbio dati glasački listić, objasnivši da nema presedana da žena glasa.

Naprotiv, rekla mu je: "Na svetom tlu New Jerseyja, na kojem se sada nalazimo, žene su glasale trideset i jednu godinu, od 1776. do 1807."

Inspektor je rekao da ne zna ništa o tom pitanju. Nikada nije čitao državni ustav.

O ovoj priči

Ilustracije Bárbare Malagoli za Washington Post. Montaža Lynda Robinson. Umetnički režija Amanda Soto. Dizajn i razvoj Madison Walls. Dizajn uredila Suzette Moyer. Uređivanje kopije Anne Kenderdine. Uređivanje fotografija i istraživanje Mark Miller.


Žene u Juti imale su pravo glasa mnogo prije drugih - i onda mu je to oduzeto

Danas se navršava 150 godina od prvog glasa žena u Sjedinjenim Državama prema neograničenom zakonu o ženskom pravu. 14. februara 1870. godine 23-godišnja učiteljica Seraph Young glasala je na opštinskim izborima u Salt Lake Cityju na putu do posla. Ona i još 24 žene glasale su tog dana, a tog ljeta hiljade žena iz Jute slijedile su primjer na opštim izborima. Punih 50 godina prije nego što je 19. amandman postao nacionalni zakon, građanke Utaha ušle su u istoriju kao prve koje su ostvarile jednaka prava glasa.

U februaru 1870. teritorijalno zakonodavstvo Utaha usvojilo je zakon kojim se građanskim pravima proširuju prava glasa. Teritorij Wyominga donio je pravo glasa žena u prosincu 1869. godine, ali zbog vremena izbora, žene u Utahu prve su izašle na izbore. Neke su Amerikanke ranije mogle glasati u ograničenim okolnostima-žene koje su imale imovinu (slobodne) glasale su u New Jerseyju sve dok oni i crnci nisu bili lišeni prava 1807. U vremenu nakon toga, nekoliko država poput Kentuckyja i Kansasa imalo je pravo glasa dozvolio određenim ženama da glasaju u školskom odboru ili na drugim lokalnim izborima. No, teritorije Wyominga i Utaha prve su proširile glasačko pravo građankama na svim izborima bez imovinskih ograničenja. (Ipak, diskriminatorni zakoni o državljanstvu isključili su Indijanke i druge obojene žene.) Značajno je to što su Utahns ušle u istoriju kao prve žene s jednakim pravom glasa, ali su kasnije obespravljene kao dio napora savezne vlade da okonča praksu poligamije.

Ova priča otkriva povijesnu istinu zanemarenu u mnogim proslavama stogodišnjice 19. amandmana - da je pokret za glasanje bio dugačak slogan s zastojima, podjelama i greškama na tom putu. Istorija biračkog prava nije linearna progresija. Glasačko pravo žena nije se jednako proširilo na žene u boji. Niti su se trajno proširili: istorija i aktuelni događaji pokazuju da je glasačko pravo teško zaštititi i održati.

Od početka 1870. godine, glasačko pravo žena u Utahu bilo je upleteno u nacionalnu kontroverzu oko prakse poligamije među pripadnicima Crkve Isusa Krista svetaca posljednjih dana. Crkva je vjerovala da je poligamija - pluralni brak - zasnovana na božanskom otkrivenju i tvrdila je da je poligamija superiorniji društveni i vjerski sistem. Međutim, protivnici su tvrdili da je poligamija opresivna i ponižavajuća za žene te da ugrožava princip individualne slobode u srcu američke republike.

Nakon građanskog rata, Kongres je svoju pažnju usmjerio na „mormonsko pitanje“. Republikanska platforma iz 1856 pozvala je na iskorjenjivanje poligamije i ropstva, "blizanačkih relikvija varvarstva", na tim teritorijama. Prethodno savezno zakonodavstvo protiv poligamije nije primjenjivano, a dovršenje Transkontinentalne željeznice i sve veća pažnja prema Zapadu učinili su da dođe vrijeme za završetak posla.

Neki sufragisti vidjeli su početak i sugerirali da bi pravo glasa za žene u Utahu moglo biti najbolji način za okončanje poligamije. Da su žene imale pravo glasa, možda bi se mogle osloboditi prakse. Zapravo, Nacionalna asocijacija za pravo glasa žena Suzan B. Anthony (NWSA) pozvala je Kongres da donese zakon o ženskom pravu glasa za Utah "kao jedno sigurno, sigurno i brzo sredstvo za ukidanje poligamije na tom teritoriju". To je bio i način eksperimentiranja sa ženskim biračkim pravom na dalekoj zapadnoj teritoriji.

Računi su zastali u Kongresu, ali su sami Utahns započeli razgovor o ženskim biračkim pravima, sa zaokretom. Deseret News u crkvenom vlasništvu uredio je: „Ako se želi isprobati eksperiment davanja prava glasa ženama u Republici, ne znamo nijedno mjesto na kojem se eksperiment može tako sigurno isprobati kao na ovom teritoriju. Naše dame mogu svijetu dokazati da ... žene mogu imati pravo glasa bez divljanja ili neseksualnosti. ”

Žene iz Jute pružile bi primjer svijetu na još jednom frontu ako bi dobile glas. Uz određenu stratešku agitaciju vodećih žena svetaca posljednjih dana da se pozicioniraju kao pouzdani politički partneri i zakon protiv poligamije koji je probijao put kroz Kongres, teritorijalno zakonodavstvo Utaha jednoglasno je u veljači 1870. donijelo zakon kojim se biračko pravo proširuje na građanke.

U to vrijeme teritorij Wyominga bio je jedino mjesto sa sličnim zakonom o ženskom pravu u knjigama, ali je ženska populacija Wyominga bila jedna desetina veličine Utahove. Tako su u narednoj deceniji žene u Juti bile jedina značajna populacija ženskih glasača. Njihovi glasački listići odmah su privukli nacionalnu pažnju i kontrolu. Kada su Anthony i Elizabeth Cady Stanton posjetili 1871. godine, pozvali su žene iz Utaha da "iskoriste glasačke listiće za svoje dobro" i "riješe se" poligamije.

Nacionalni reformatori sa nadom su to gledali, ali ubrzo je postalo jasno da žene ne glasaju protiv crkvenih vođa. Tako su anti-poligamisti došli do toga da žensko pravo glasa u Utahu vide kao faktor podržavanje poligamija. Tvrdili su da ove žene treba ukloniti iz biračkog tijela, pa su lobirali u Kongresu da ukine glasačko pravo žena Utaha i podnijeli tužbe pokušavajući poništiti zakon o glasačkom pravu Utaha.

Žene svetaca posljednjih dana u Utahu borile su se da spriječe svoje obespravljivanje više od jedne decenije. Mobilizirali su se za govor na nacionalnoj sceni i 1872. godine pokrenuli jednu od najdugovječnijih ženskih novina, ženski eksponent. U svom prvom broju, eksponent je izjavio: "Bolje se predstavljati nego što nas drugi pogrešno predstavljaju!" Žene svetaca posljednjih dana koristile su mrežu Društva za pomoć, crkvene ženske organizacije, za održavanje protestnih sastanaka, podnošenje peticija saveznim zvaničnicima i lobiranje kod zakonodavaca u Washingtonu. Ovaj politički angažman bio je dvostruko transgresivan, podržavajući dvije prakse-poligamiju i pravo glasa žena-u velikoj mjeri u suprotnosti s američkom kulturom 19. stoljeća. Napravila je veliku pažnju.

Nagovještavajući raspravu o biračkom pravu koja će se odigrati početkom 20. stoljeća, svetice posljednjih dana u Utahu branile su svoja politička prava braneći svoje iskustvo glasača. Osporili su tvrdnje da su glasali samo onako kako su im muževi naredili, da je glasanje ugrozilo njihovu sposobnost da obavljaju svoje kućne dužnosti i da su bili previše glupi, emotivni ili isprani mozga da bi glasali kako treba. Umjesto toga, tvrdili su, kao u ovoj peticiji 1878. Kongresu, „Glasali smo svojom slobodnom voljom i izborom, u potpunosti demonstrirajući da časne žene izazivaju isto toliko poštovanja na biračkim mjestima, kao u salonu, salonu. i Crkva. "

Ali njihovo prisustvo izazvalo je napetost u pokretu za glasanje. Lideri biračkog prava u početku nisu znali šta da rade sa ženama sa poligamnim pravom glasa, a popularnije Američko udruženje za pravo glasa žena je odbilo da sarađuje s njima ili brani njihova glasačka prava. Tako su sufragisti svetaca posljednjih dana uspostavili obostrano koristan odnos s radikalnijom NWSA. Prikupili su više potpisa peticija nego iz bilo koje druge države ili teritorija u znak podrške ustavnom amandmanu za pravo glasa žena i osigurali poziv na konvenciju NWSA 1879.

Žene svetaca posljednjih dana postale su dio ovih konvencija, zauzele istaknuto mjesto, dobile platformu za govor i istaknute kao legitimni politički akteri. NWSA nikada nije podržala poligamiju, ali je podigla glas dobrodošlice protiv pokušaja kongresa da obespraviti poligamne žene.

Ali do 1887. godine kampanja protiv poligamije je pobijedila. Edmunds-Tuckerov zakon koji je usvojio Kongres deinkorporirao je crkvu, promijenio bračne i nasljedne zakone i ukinuo sve Izborna prava žena Utaha.

Sufragisti svetaca posljednjih dana organizirani su 1889. godine pod NWSA-om kako bi vratili biračko pravo. Poligamija nikada nije u potpunosti nestala kao problem u pokretu za glasanje, ali je postala manje klin koji dijeli nakon što je crkva objavila službeni prestanak prakse 1890. Udruženje za pravo glasa žena iz Utaha uskoro je imalo hiljade članova na cijeloj teritoriji koji su držali predavanja o jednaka prava, jednake plate i druga politička pitanja, pisao je kolumne u lokalnim novinama, bacao događaje i radio na tome da se klauzula o jednakom pravu glasa uključi u ustav Utaha kada je postala država. U svemu tome uživali su široku podršku lokalne zajednice i crkvenih vođa.

Na ove i druge načine, žene iz Utaha otvorile su prostor za širi pokret za glasanje žena u Sjedinjenim Državama. Kada se Utah pridružila Uniji 1896. godine i vratila žensko biračko pravo, postojale su samo dvije druge države s pravom glasa - Wyoming i Colorado. (Idaho je kasnije te godine usvojio ustavni amandman.) Trebalo bi 14 godina da im se pridruži sljedeća država. Iako su nacionalne organizacije za glasanje bile vođene iz New Yorka i Washingtona, žene sa Zapada prikupljale su peticije, prikupljale sredstva, išle u govor i pokazale da nebo ne pada kada su žene glasale. Pritisnuli su svoje izabrane kongresmene, koji su pozdravljali parade glasa na stepenicama Kapitola SAD -a, govorili na skupovima i nastavili polako napredovati u amandmanu „Susan B. Anthony“.

Žene sa Zapada stekle su višedecenijsko iskustvo glasača i izabranih javnih zvaničnika prije nego što je većina (bijelih) Amerikanki prvi put izašla na birališta 1920. Žene koje glasaju često su svjedočile pred odborima Kongresa o "praktičnom radu ženskog prava glasa". Pokazali su da ih, suprotno argumentima anti-sufragista, glasanje nije degradiralo, omalovažilo ili nateralo da zanemare dom i porodicu. Umjesto toga, kako je 1898. godine svjedočila prva ženska državna senatorka, Martha Hughes Cannon, iskustvo žena u Utahu pokazalo je da se "nijedan od predviđenih neugodnih rezultata nije dogodio".

Dok se ove godine vraćamo u istoriju biračkog prava, sjetimo se žena na zapadu koje su prve glasale i utrle put.


Duga, teška bitka za 19. amandman i pravo žena na glasanje

Ponekad se čini da su Sjedinjene Države, kao društvo, napravile velike pomake u tekućoj borbi za ravnopravnost spolova. A ponekad stvarnost podigne svoju ružnu glavu i shvatite, pa, zemlju još čeka dug put. Istina je da se žene nastavljaju svakodnevno boriti za jednaka prava, a nije tako davno ženskoj populaciji (otprilike polovici Sjedinjenih Država) bilo zabranjeno sudjelovanje u politici - sve dok 19. izmjena to nije promijenila.

Usvojen od strane Kongresa 4. juna 1919, i ratifikovan 18. avgusta 1920, 19. amandman konačno je ženama dao pravo glasa u Americi. "19. Amandman spriječio je države da ograniče pravo glasa na osnovu spola", kaže Allison K. Lange, docentica historije na bostonskom Wentworth Institutu za tehnologiju i autorka predstojećeg "Slika političke moći: slike u ženskom životu" Pokret za pravo glasa. & Quot & quotŽene su počele glasati u Wyomingu 1869. godine, a kasnije su u drugim državama osvojile glasanje. Takođe su mogli često glasati na lokalnim gradskim izborima ili izborima za školski odbor prije 19. amandmana. Ipak, 19. amandman bio je revolucionaran jer je imao pravo glasa više od bilo kojeg drugog zakona u povijesti SAD -a. & Quot

Konvencija o vodopadima Seneca 1848

Mnogo prije izbijanja građanskog rata mnoge su žene počele odbijati ideju da njihova uloga nije ništa drugo do pokorna supruga i majka koje se bave svojim domom i porodicom. U isto vrijeme, žene su imale vodeću ulogu u reformskim grupama, vjerskim pokretima i organizacijama protiv ropstva. Sve ove radnje pomogle su redefiniranju šta znači biti žena u Sjedinjenim Državama iz 19. stoljeća.

Ali to je bio samo početak bitke za ženski politički doprinos koja nije dobijena brzo ili lako. Prvi pravi prijedlog ideje ženskog prava glasa kao cilja započeo je na konvenciji Seneca Falls, prvoj konvenciji o ženskim pravima u Sjedinjenim Državama. Održano je u julu 1848. godine u vodopadima Seneca, New York. Prisustvovalo je više od 300 ljudi - i muškaraca i žena, uključujući afroameričkog abolicionista Frederic Douglassa i vodeću zagovornicu ženskih prava, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, jednu od organizatora sastanka. Ona je započela događaj uzbudljivim govorom:

Delegati su napisali "Izjavu osjećaja" s opisom ženskih pritužbi i zahtjeva i pozvali žene da se bore za jednakost. Konvencija je donijela listu od 11 rezolucija, uključujući i devetu rezoluciju koja je ohrabrivala žene da si osiguraju svoje sveto pravo na izbornu franšizu i pravo glasa. Bio je to daleko najkontroverzniji - čak je i natjerao mnoge pristalice ženskih prava da povuku svoju podršku - i jedva je prošao. Ali to je također postalo temelj ženskog pokreta za pravo glasa koji ide naprijed.

Šta je došlo nakon pada Seneke

U godinama koje su uslijedile, žene svih dobi počele su pisati, marširati i prakticirati građansku neposlušnost-čak i pozivajući se na Izjavu o osjećajima-u nastojanju da promijene Ustav, koji je izvorno dopuštao samo vlasnicima zemljišta, bijelcima, u dobi od 21 i stariji za glasanje.

Do trenutka kada su SAD ušle u Prvi svjetski rat 1917. godine, Nacionalno američko udruženje za pravo glasa žena (NAWSA) bilo je već dobro uspostavljeno. Osnovali su je 1890. godine sufragistice Lucy Stone, Alice Stone Blackwell, Susan B. Anthony, Harriot Stanton Blatch, Rachel Foster i Elizabeth Cady Stanton kada su se udružila Nacionalna asocijacija za žensko pravo glasa (NWSA) i Američko udruženje za pravo glasa žena (AWSA).

Članovi su ohrabrivali pristalice ženskih prava da se pridruže ratnim naporima i tvrdili da su žene zaslužile glasanje jer su njihovo iskustvo i glas bili kritični u političkom razgovoru. Rad NAWSA -e, pored protesta Nacionalne ženske partije (NWP), doveo je do široko rasprostranjenog interesa i borbe za pravo glasa žena.

"Izborno pravo" bio je popularan izraz u 19. stoljeću i znači pravo glasa, "kaže Lange. & quotAmerikanci su raspravljali o muškom, ženskom, crnom, itd. Danas ljudi taj izraz često povezuju s pokretom za ženska glasačka prava. & quot

19. amandman prvi je put uveden u Kongresu 1878. godine, ali bilo je potrebno više od 40 godina organiziranja, podnošenja peticija, piketiranja i još mnogo toga da bi se konačno ratificiralo. Decenijama su se koristile različite strategije kako bi se pokušalo postići amandman. Neki su pokušali postići da se u svakoj pojedinoj državi donesu zakoni o biračkom pravu. Taktika je donekle uspjela: Do 1912. godine devet zapadnih država usvojilo je pravo glasa za žene.

Drugi zagovornici su se obratili sudu da ospore zakone o glasanju samo za muškarce, a neki sufragisti organizovali su i učestvovali u paradama, štrajkovima glađu i tihim bdenjima. Bez obzira na vrstu akcije koju su ove pristalice poduzele, ove su se žene gotovo uvijek susretale s bezbroj oblika verbalnog, pa čak i fizičkog zlostavljanja.

Do 1916. godine gotovo sve veće organizacije za glasanje formirale su jedinstven front za usvajanje ustavnih amandmana. Njujork je zvanično usvojio pravo glasa žena 1917. godine, a godinu dana kasnije predsjednik Woodrow Wilson promijenio je svoj prvobitni stav po tom pitanju i izjavio podršku amandmanu.

Konačno, 21. maja 1919. godine Predstavnički dom usvojio je amandman, a Senat je uslijedio dvije sedmice kasnije. Godine 1920. Tennessee je postao 36. država koja je ratificirala amandman-s tri četvrtine država u dogovoru, SAD su konačno mogle službeno usvojiti novu politiku. 19. amandman kaže: "Pravo građana Sjedinjenih Država da glasaju neće uskratiti niti smanjiti SAD ili bilo koja druga država zbog spola."

Ali žene su se ipak morale boriti za glasanje

Koliko god 19. amandman bio utjecajan, on nije okončao borbu za političku zastupljenost žena. "Važno je imati na umu da 19. amandman nije svim ženama dodijelio pravo glasa", kaže Lange. & quotMnoge siromašnije žene i obojene žene i dalje su podlijegale porezima na ankete, testovima pismenosti i drugim restriktivnim zakonima. Amerikanke su stekle veći pristup biračkim mjestima putem drugih zakona, poput Zakona o državljanstvu Indije iz 1924., ukidanja Kineskog zakona o isključenju 1943. i Zakona o biračkim pravima iz 1965. Portoriko je ženama dodijelio glasanje 1929. Dakle, 19. amandman otvorile mogućnosti, ali mnoge žene su se ipak morale boriti za glas. & quot

Iako pokret za glasanje nije okončao seksizam u društvu, njegovi učesnici i vođe ostavili su trajno naslijeđe. "Moje istraživanje ispituje načine na koje su žene koristile slike kako bi uvjerile Amerikance da podrže ženska prava", kaže Lange. "Some of the women who did this most effectively were Sojourner Truth, Susan B. Anthony, Mary Church Terrell and Alice Paul. All of them challenged popular cartoons that mocked suffragists as manly monsters who threatened American values and gender roles."

Lange's research has turned up countless tales of how these women, in particular, upheld, strengthened and propelled the suffrage movement.

"In the 1860s, Sojourner Truth sold her portrait to support herself and emphasize that black women were respectable, hard-working people who deserved freedom from enslavement and rights," Lange says. In the 1870s and 1880s, Susan B. Anthony also became an icon of the movement, offering supporters an image of what female political leaders could look like.

"In the 1890s, Mary Church Terrell, first president of the National Association of Colored Women, responded by distributing her own images of highly educated, elegant black women to win respect for the reforms she sought."

Lang also says in the 1910s, Alice Paul used new image technology that allowed her to reproduce photos from the newspapers. She staged parades and the first-ever pickets of the White House to get attention and win support for the cause (see more in the sidebar below). These kinds of photos of women in such visible, political spaces proved to be very newsworthy, and convinced Americans of the suffragists' dedication to the cause.


ST. CLOUD WOMEN GOT THE VOTE 2 YEARS BEFORE 19TH AMENDMENT PASSED

Florida's elections season prompts a look back at St. Cloud's role in women's suffrage.

In late August 1920 ratification of the 19th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution granted women the right to vote nationwide. Forty-nine years later, the Florida Legislature ratified the amendment.

That doesn't mean Florida women did not get to vote during that long stretch.

The Florida Historical Society documents that women became voters in city elections as early as 1917 in Florence Villa, Moore Haven, Palm Beach and Pass-a-Grille.

Women's suffrage came to St. Cloud in 1918, writes Alma Hetherington in The River of the Long Water. She quotes from the Sept. 28, 1918, issue of the St. Cloud Tribune, the newspaper founded by the Union veterans who had started the city only a decade earlier.

The newspaper's banner headline read, "St. Cloud is proud this day to say: Our women have the vote."

The article added, "The amendment to the city charter of St. Cloud permitting women to vote was adopted by a vote of 179 to 82 in the city election held on Tuesday. . . . This will mean an additional list of voters totaling about 500."

Sparsely populated Wyoming was the first territory to allow women to vote, partly to gain enough "citizens" for statehood.

Historians say the women's suffrage movement started in the West and spread to the East, taking a longer time to gain acceptance in the South.

The women's suffrage movement began in Florida with Eleanor "Ella" McWilliams Chamberlain in Tampa. In 1893, Chamberlain began organizing women to demand the right to vote.

When she approached a weekly newspaper about writing a column, the editor of The Tampa Journal suggested she limited her topics to children and "women's interests."

She responded, "The world was not suffering for another cake recipe, and the children seemed to be getting along better than the women."

Instead, she used her column to lobby for women's rights. Eight men and a dozen women joined her in the Florida Woman Suffrage Association in 1893.

She represented Florida at a national women's rights convention in Washington, D.C., later that year and again in Atlanta in 1895, the same year she led a state convention in Tampa that drew 100 members.

Charlton W. Tebeau writes in A History of Florida that the movement "collapsed when she [Chamberlain] moved away in 1897 and remained dormant until 1912 when it was revived in Jacksonville" where women who owned land demanded the right to vote on sewer bonds.

They were denied the vote, but their demands drew statewide attention. The Legislature took notice, but not action.

Women took up the temperance movement and other social reforms in the early 1900s.

They would help win passage of Prohibition with the 18th Amendment in 1919.

Mary Mann Jennings, wife of William Jennings, Florida's governor from 1901 until 1905, lobbied Florida lawmakers in 1919 for the three-fifths vote necessary to give women the right to vote statewide.

She was the president of the Florida Federation of Women's Clubs and the most influential women in the state, but she could not win the vote.

Tennessee would be the 35th state to ratify the 19th Amendment, the last of the required three-quarters of the states needed.

With the adoption of national women's suffrage without Florida in 1920, the next session of the Legislature "saw no need to get on the bandwagon," Tebeau writes.

The first statewide election in which women could cast votes came in the fall of 1920. The men won landslide victories over women.

Eight years later, Florida voters elected the state's first woman to the state Legislature and Congress.

Edna Giles Fuller of Orlando won election to the state House of Representatives in 1928, and Ruth Bryan Owen of Miami won her race for the U.S. House of Representatives.

Florida lawmakers didn't get around to the token gesture of ratifying the 19th amendment until 1969.

St. Cloud in pictures. Bob Fisk, who has spent a great deal of his life assembling a collection of hundreds of old photographs of St. Cloud, worked with Jim Robison on a pictorial history book titled St. Cloud, which will be published in October as a fund-raiser for the St. Cloud Main Street to encourage restoration and promotion of downtown St. Cloud.


Nineteenth Amendment

Naši urednici će pregledati ono što ste poslali i odlučiti da li želite da prepravite članak.

Nineteenth Amendment, amendment (1920) to the Constitution of the United States that officially extended the right to vote to women.

Opposition to woman suffrage in the United States predated the Constitutional Convention (1787), which drafted and adopted the Constitution. The prevailing view within society was that women should be precluded from holding office and voting—indeed, it was generally accepted (among men) that women should be protected from the evils of politics. Still, there was opposition to such patriarchal views from the beginning, as when Abigail Adams, wife of John Adams, asked her husband in 1776, as he went to the Continental Congress to adopt the Declaration of Independence, to “remember the ladies and be more generous and favourable to them than your ancestors.” In the scattered places where women could vote in some types of local elections, they began to lose this right in the late 18th century.

From the founding of the United States, women were almost universally excluded from voting and their voices largely suppressed from the political sphere. Beginning in the early 19th century, as women chafed at these restrictions, the movement for woman suffrage began and was tied in large part to agitation against slavery. In July 1848 in Seneca Falls, New York, then the hometown of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the Seneca Falls Convention launched the women’s rights movement and also called for woman suffrage. The American Civil War (1861–65) resulted in the end of the institution of slavery, and in its aftermath many women abolitionists put on hold their desire for universal suffrage in favour of ensuring suffrage for newly freed male slaves.

Gradually throughout the second half of the 19th century, certain states and territories extended often limited voting rights to women. Wyoming Territory granted women the right to vote in all elections in 1869. But it soon became apparent that an amendment to the federal Constitution would be a preferable plan for suffragists. Two organizations were formed in 1869: the National Woman Suffrage Association, which sought to achieve a federal constitutional amendment that would secure the ballot for women and the American Woman Suffrage Association, which focused on obtaining amendments to that effect in the constitutions of the various states. The two organizations worked together closely and would merge in 1890.

In 1878 a constitutional amendment was introduced in Congress that would enshrine woman suffrage for all elections. It would be reintroduced in every Congress thereafter. In 1890 Wyoming became a state and thus also became the first state whose constitution guaranteed women the right to vote. Over the next decade several other states—all in the western part of the country—joined Wyoming. In 1912, when Theodore Roosevelt ran (unsuccessfully) as a third-party candidate for president, his party became the first national party to adopt a plank supporting a constitutional amendment.

In January 1918, with momentum clearly behind the suffragists—15 states had extended equal voting rights to women, and the amendment was formally supported by both parties and by the president, Woodrow Wilson—the amendment passed with the bare minimum two-thirds support in the House of Representatives, but it failed narrowly in the U.S. Senate. This galvanized the National Woman’s Party, which led a campaign seeking to oust senators who had voted against it.

A subsequent attempt to pass the amendment came in 1919, and this time it passed both chambers with the requisite two-thirds majority—304–89 in the House of Representatives on May 21, and 56–25 in the Senate on June 4. Although the amendment’s fate seemed in doubt, because of opposition throughout much of the South, on August 18, 1920, Tennessee—by one vote—became the 36th state to ratify the amendment, thereby ensuring its adoption. On August 26 the Nineteenth Amendment was proclaimed by the secretary of state as being part of the Constitution of the United States.

The full text of the amendment is:

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.

Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.


The State Where Women Voted Long Before the 19th Amendment - HISTORY

1907-1930: We are a diverse nation, confronting our differences

January 1, 1919
Map: States grant women the right to vote

While seeking to amend the U.S. Constitution, the women’s suffrage movement also waged a state-by-state campaign. The territory of Wyoming was the first to give women the vote in 1869. Other western states and territories followed.

States granting women the right to vote prior to the 19th Amendment:

Wyoming 1890
Colorado 1893
Utah 1896
Idaho 1896
Washington 1910
California 1911
Arizona 1912
Kansas 1912
Oregon 1912
Montana 1914
Nevada 1914
New York 1917
Michigan 1918
Oklahoma 1918
South Dakota 1918

Full Voting Rights before 19th Amendment and before statehood

Territory of Wyoming 1869
Territory of Utah 1870
Territory of Washington 1883
Territory of Montana 1887
Territory of Alaska 1913

Could vote for President prior to the 19th Amendment

Illinois 1913
Nebraska 1917
Ohio 1917
Indiana 1917
North Dakota 1917
Rhode Island 1917
Iowa 1919
Maine 1919
Minnesota 1919
Missouri 1919
Tennessee 1919
Wisconsin 1919

Gained Voting Rights after the passage:

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19th AMENDMENT: First the West, then the rest of the nation

Editor’s note: In recognition of the 100th anniversary of the ratification of the 19th Amendment, author Chris Enss shared this excerpt with The Union from her new book “No Place for a Woman: The Struggle for Suffrage in the Wild West,” which is available at the Bookseller in downtown Grass Valley. Visit http://www.chrisenss.com for more information.

On Sept. 6, 1870, 70-year-old housewife Louisa Ann Swain pinned a clean apron over her gray serge dress and marched down the dirt streets of Laramie, Wyoming, to cast one of the first votes for her sex in America.

That momentous event was made possible by a number of women and men over the course of a 90-year period — starting with Abigail Adams. In March 1776, she implored her husband John Adams and other framers of the Constitution to “remember the ladies.”

Years before Mrs. Swain’s vote, the battle for woman suffrage was officially being discussed in Seneca Falls, New York, in 1848, at the first women’s right convention. It was a time when women were legally recognized as little more than chattel. Social activist Elizabeth Cady Stanton, one of the speakers at the convention, made a bold prediction: “The right (of suffrage) is ours. Have it we must. Use it we will. The pens, the tongues, the fortunes, the indomitable wills of many women are pledged to secure this right. The great truth that no just government can be formed without the consent of the governed, we shall echo and re-echo in the ears of the unjust judge, until by continual coming we shall weary him.”

Although the women in New York were organized and determined, no one could have foreseen that the greatest strides in the suffrage movement would not be realized east of the Hudson River, but west of the Mississippi. And before any progress could be made out West, women had to make that rugged journey over the plains to the new frontier.

Starting in the 1830s, and reaching a peak between 1846 and the end of the Civil War, the Oregon Trail served as a pathway for nearly half a million emigrants who set off to the West to form new communities and societies from their individual stakes as farmers, settlers, ranchers, and miners. Most of the emigrants were men, but there were a few women who tackled the overland journey bent on mining or homesteading on their own. Men could make the journey alone as drovers for the large wagon trains or with a plan to mine, strike it rich, and return to their homes in the east.

Women traveled west as part of families and on their own to seek new opportunities. The experience of crossing the plains changed many of them — and helped demonstrate their grit, even as they held onto their identities as the protectors of family and morality. In their new homes, women took on public roles due to economic necessity and the needs of the community. They earned more authority, and combined with their perceived moral directive, they began to influence politics individually and pragmatically.

Women found plenty of opportunities in the West that were not available in the East: everything from the right to vote to equal pay for women teachers to more liberal divorce laws. Wyoming Territory passed a series of such laws in 1869, partly in an effort to attract more settlers. Thus, the West was the first home of women’s suffrage in the U.S., with nearly every western state or territory enfranchising women long before women won the right to vote in eastern states. Before the 19th Amendment, the amendment granting women the right to vote, was passed in 1920, almost every western state had already given women statewide suffrage. Four western states, Wyoming, Utah, Colorado, and Idaho had granted it before 1900.

The fight for woman suffrage in the West wasn’t a new, separate movement, distinct from the efforts in the East. But the fight proceeded with a sense of inevitability in the newly minted territories. The ideologies and reforming zeal that spread from the Great Awakening, to the fiery rhetoric of the abolitionist movement, to the emerging natural ally of the woman’s movement — the temperance movement — weren’t abandoned in the West. But those ideologies were tempered by circumstance and taken up by women who were part of the Cult of True Womanhood, but who had earned their reputation for Grit on the Overland Trail and as part of the new frontier. The women who agitated for their rights were sure of their worth — and aware of their power in the new communities springing up around gold strikes and homestead stakes. And they used the tools at their disposal to influence the outcome. They knew that their power came from the fact that they were women, not in spite of it.

The fight for woman suffrage across the country waged on.

Between Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson and all those doughboys heading off to fight in World War I, women demanded to be seen as full citizens of the United States. Some historians refer to the years between 1890 and 1920 as the women’s era because it was in that time when women started to have greater economic and political opportunities. Women were also aided by legal changes like getting the right to own property, control their wages and make contracts and wills. By 1900, almost 5 million women throughout the nation worked for wages, mainly in domestic service or light manufacturing like the garment industry.

American women in every part of the country were active as reformers and those reform movements brought women into state and national politics before the dawn of the progressive era. Unfortunately, one of their greatest achievements, prohibition, was a detriment to the cause.

‘A WIDER FREEDOM IS COMING’

Women’s greatest influence came through their membership and leadership in the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. The WCTU was founded in 1874 and by 1890 had 150,000 members making it the largest female organization in the United States. Under the leadership of Frances Willard, the WCTU embraced a large reform agenda including pushing for the right for women to vote. The feeling was that the best way to stop people from drinking was to pass local laws that made it harder to drink, and to do that it would be very helpful if women could vote — because American men were alcoholic scoundrels who darn well were not going to vote to get rid of beer. Consequently, men were reluctant to give women the right to vote for fear of losing the pleasure of drinking.

Being deprived of alcoholic beverages wasn’t the only objection men had to denying women the right to vote, opposition to woman suffrage ran a wide gamut. There were those who believed that voting would damage women’s health and those who turned the argument that women would vote as their husbands did, arguing that women didn’t need to vote when they had a male protector to do it for them.

In 1895, Willard boldly declared, “A wider freedom is coming to the women of America. Too long has it been held that woman has no right to enter these movements … politics is the place for woman.” The movement Willard referred to continued to spread in the West. Overland pioneers like Abigail Scott Duniway, who was one of the leaders of the Suffrage Movement in Idaho, quickly became part of the movement to extend votes for women in the region. She organized many campaigns and protests until a bill was passed in 1896 that allowed women the right to vote in Idaho, and a year later, Duniway was the first woman to register to vote in Idaho. In addition to advocating for women’s rights in her own state, Duniway was instrumental in establishing Oregon’s Equal Suffrage Proclamation.

Women also protested to gain the right to vote in Colorado. Suffragists established the Colorado Non-Partisan Equal Suffrage Association and approached women’s organizations, churches, political parties and charity groups to gain allies for their cause. And after agitating nonstop from 1877 on, the Women’s Suffrage Referendum passed on Nov. 7, 1893. The following year, Colorado became the first state to have elected female legislators.

Martha Hughes Cannon, the first woman elected to the Utah state senate — in 1896 — was a polygamist wife, a practicing physician, and an astute and pioneering politician. Her husband was the Republican candidate. She, a Democrat, defeated him in that historic election.

And in 1916, four years before she would be legally allowed to vote in an election, Montana’s Jeannette Rankin was sent to Washington D.C., as a member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Montana. Four years later, in 1920, Nellie Taloe Ross would be elected governor of Wyoming.

The passage and ratification of the 19th Amendment was a significant event in American history and it’s also a recent event. When my grandmother was born women could not vote in the United States. Women’s long fight to gain the right to vote ended with the ratification of the 19th Amendment on Aug. 18, 1920. The suffrage wind had blown from west to east. The West had made it possible for the world to see what it meant for women to have the right to vote. It had been extremely persuasive in convincing other states and Congress as to the value of women voting.

Women’s suffrage associations across the country congratulated one another on the victory and promised to continue the fight towards equal rights in other areas. On Aug. 26, 1920, Carrie Chapman Catt, one of the movement’s key leaders, summed up the importance of the conquest best, “The vote is won. Seventy-two years the battle for this privilege has been waged, but human affairs with their eternal change move on without pause. Progress is calling to you to make no pause. Act!”

Chris Enss, who lives in Grass Valley, is an author and screenwriter. She has written more than 20 books on the subject of women in the Old West.


Why Do We Blame Women For Prohibition?

One hundred years later, it’s time to challenge a long-held bias.

Mark Lawrence Schrad is assistant professor of political science at Villanova University and author of the new book Vodka Politics: Alcohol, Autocracy, and the Secret History of the Russian State.

One hundred years ago this month—on January 16, 1919—the 18th Amendment was ratified, enshrining alcohol prohibition in the U.S. Constitution. And for the past hundred years, we’ve largely blamed women for that. Zašto?

With the obvious exception of the women’s rights movement—from suffragism to #MeToo—perhaps no other social movement in American history is as synonymous with women as temperance, and none is as vilified. Histories dismiss prohibition derisively as a “pseudo-reform . carried about America by the rural-evangelical virus,” and a “wrongheaded social policy waged by puritanical zealots of a bygone Victorian era.” We describe prohibitionists in the same way we talk about Al Qaeda or ISIS: They were “ruthless” “extremists,” “deeply antidemocratic” “fanatics and fools,” who posed a “threat to individual freedoms.” These evildoers are almost universally understood to be women.

The standard trope back in the 1920s, when prohibition was in full force, was that the policy was “put over while the boys were away” fighting World War I—if only the men had been home, prohibition would have been avoided. Surprisingly, this gendered conspiracy theory has endured, despite being completely unfounded. There was no popular referendum on 18th Amendment, and most women couldn’t vote anyway since, chronologically, the 18th Amendment came before the suffragist 19th Amendment. (A handful of western states granted women full voting rights before the 19th Amendment.) The only woman who voted for the 18th Amendment was Jeannette Rankin of Montana, the country’s first—and at that time, only—congresswoman. In 1918, hers was but one of the bipartisan supermajority of 282 yeas (to 128 nays) in the House that passed the prohibition amendment. In the all-male Senate, the vote to submit the amendment to the states for ratification was even more lopsided: 65-20.

In January 1919, the 18th Amendment was the first order of business for many state legislatures elected in the 1918 midterms. With unprecedented speed, 46 of the 48 states voted for prohibition, in some cases unanimously. With 80.5 percent of state legislators in favor (5,033 to 1,219), support for prohibition was even greater at the state level, where 99.8 percent of representatives were men.

Well, if not the vote—one might protest—then surely the temperance movement itself was women’s work? Think of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU)—or one of its greatest celebrities, Carrie A. Nation. She famously led bands of women into Kansas saloons, smashing them with hatchets, singing Bible hymns and quoting scripture! As her celebrity rose, she even trademarked the name “Carry,” in order to coin the phrase “Carry A. Nation for prohibition.”

Anecdotally, I’ve long asked colleagues, students and historians: “Who’s the most famous prohibitionist?” The answer is Carrie Nation, every time. Little wonder: Today, she plays a starring role in virtually every temperance history, features prominently in Ken Burns’ documentary “Prohibition” and was the first personality you’d meet at the prohibition exhibition at the National Constitution Center. Carrie Nation embodies everything we think we know about prohibitionists: a scorned, white, protestant, evangelical, Midwestern woman. She was imposing in stature, prone to violence and—claiming God spoke to her, urging her to attack saloons—slightly unhinged. In sum: the perfect Maleficent for American historians.

The only problem is that Carrie Nation died in 1911, almost a full decade before the 18th Amendment was ratified. So why do we blame her for something that happened years after her death, while exonerating those directly responsible for prohibition? Why do we remember Carrie Nation, but forget the “father of prohibition” Neal Dow? Or Anti-Saloon League “dry boss” Wayne Wheeler, who in 1922 was described as “the man who is as much or more than any other single person, directly responsible for the able leadership bringing prohibition”? Or Andrew Volstead, the man whose name is on the prohibition-enforcement act? Based on Google’s Ngram dataset of over 500 billion words from some 15 million digitized books, we can chart the notoriety of individuals over time. The data suggests that, since prohibition’s repeal in 1933, the men responsible for prohibition have begun largely to vanish from history, while the image of Carrie Nation endures.

The Forgotten Prohibitionists
Yearly frequency of names mentioned in Google’s corpus of digitized books, 1900-2000.

If you asked me, I would say progressive stalwart William Jennings Bryan was the most famous American prohibitionist. He fought vehemently against the liquor traffic where rich capitalists got richer by getting workers addicted to booze. “The Great Commoner” had far more political clout than Carrie Nation. Or consider Frederick Douglass—perhaps the most famous orator of the 19th century, back when abolitionism was virtually synonymous with temperance. On his temperance tour of Britain in 1845, Douglass, who, like Nation, died well before nationwide prohibition was passed, claimed, “If we could but make the world sober, we would have no slavery. Mankind has been drunk.” In his autobiographical Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass: American Slave, he explained that keeping slaves stupefied with liquor was “the most effective means in the hands of the slaveholder in keeping down the spirit of insurrection” on the plantations.

Such details largely disappear from contemporary biographies, perhaps because they don’t fit our image of temperance as an angry, white, female, Bible-thumping crusade against individual liberty. While their political legacies are obviously variegated, Frederick Douglass, William Jennings Bryan and Carrie Nation all held the exact same positions on abolition, suffragism and prohibition. Yet even the titles of their biographies belie their differential treatment by historians: Frederick Douglass: Prophet of Freedom. William Jennings Bryan: A Godly Hero, or Champion of Democracy. And Carrie Nation? Vessel of Wrath. Historians give William and Fredrick a free pass for their role in prohibition along with Neal, Wayne and Andrew we’re told that Carrie is the real villain.

So, why do we blame women for prohibition? Misogyny is the easy answer but more fundamentally, we need to better understand not just who the prohibitionists were, but what motivated them in the first place. Perhaps they weren’t the “deeply antidemocratic” monsters that we now make them out to be.

Contrary to popular description, prohibitionists weren’t hellbent on taking away the individual’s “right to drink.” From its very inception, the temperance movement targeted not the drink, or the drinker, but the drink seller. Just as abolitionists objected to the slave trader who profited from subjugating others, prohibitionists aimed at a predatory liquor traffic of wealthy capitalists and saloonkeepers who—together with a state that, before the income tax, relied disproportionately on liquor revenues—got rich from the drunken misery of the poor. The 18th Amendment doesn’t even outlaw alcohol or drinking. It prohibits the “manufacture, sale, or transportation of intoxicating liquors.” This wasn’t some oversight the target was the traffic, not the booze.

Prohibitionists were very clear about this. The 18th Amendment was very clear, too. That we have a hard time believing it today—scoffing that outlawing booze or booze sales has the same practical outcome of restricting the rights of the individual—says more about our changing understandings of liberty than theirs. It is only in more recent generations (with the rise of Hayekian neoliberalism after World War II) that any interference with the free market is deemed a constraint on our citizenship rights. For most of American history, political liberty and economic liberty were understood to be distinct from each other. There is no “right to buy” anywhere in the constitution.

Ultimately, we need to stop vilifying prohibitionists as “antidemocratic” simply because our understanding of liberty has changed. In fact, prohibitionists championed the right of self-determination, and the right of the community to defend itself against extortionate businesses and government corruption. Prohibitionists encouraged grassroots power—especially for communities, counties and states to vote themselves dry at the ballot box. Such Jeffersonian commitments made prohibitionists natural allies of abolitionists and suffragists from the very beginning. (Prohibitionists who cheered the 18th Amendment’s ratification in 1919 also cheered when the 19th Amendment gave women the vote the following year.) At its core, prohibition was a populist attack against predatory capitalism and its corrupt ties to government power.

It was no fluke that the ultimate victory of prohibition came at the high point of the Progressive Era: like other reforms of its day, prohibition was fundamentally progressive. Prohibition protected consumers from unscrupulous sellers of potentially dangerous substances, just like the progressive Pure Food and Drug Act, and Federal Meat Inspection Acts of 1906. Prohibition targeted the corrupting power of big business, just like the Federal Trade Commission Act and Clayton Anti-Trust Acts of 1914.

Moralizing Bible-thumpers like Carrie Nation were only one part of a broad prohibitionist coalition. Focusing only on activists like her, though, produces a wildly incomplete picture, which our brains try to make whole by filling in the gaps with deeply rooted—and misogynist—social biases.

Centennials are a time for reassessment—and since prohibition’s centennial comes in the #MeToo era, it is high time to unpack our highly gendered received wisdom.


Mississippi Didn't Ratify the 19th Amendment Until 1984. Here's Why Some States Waited Decades

W hen Tennessee ratified the 19th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution on Aug. 18, 1920, that was enough: as the 36th state to approve the amendment, the Volunteer State made sure the U.S. Constitution would enshrine into law “the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex.&rdquo

And while this summer’s centennial is remembered as a landmark moment in history for American women, 1920 only tells part of the story. The ratification did not mean that all American women gained the constitutional right to vote immediately in 1920 numerous barriers to voting remained for several communities, including Black women, Native American and Indigenous women, Asian American women and Latinx women. African American women and men’s voting rights would not be incorporated into the country’s law until Voting Rights Act of 1965.

And on a more symbolic level, some states did not ratify the amendment until as recently as the 1970s and 1980s. That delay did not affect women’s right to vote, but it did send a message about just how controversial such an idea was.

Several states reacted actively rejected the Amendment in 1919 and 1920. Eleven states ratified it after it had already been certified in 1920&mdashbut not all at once. It would be fifty years before South Carolina, Georgia and Louisiana would do so, with Mississippi becoming the last to join in 1984. From state to state, several factors were at play. In Virginia, which ratified in 1952, the Virginia Association Opposed to Woman’s Suffrage distributed pamphlets that argued that the vote would actually have a negative impact on the every day lives of women, that it was the “vanguard of socialism” and that it would undermine the role of husbands in the family. Similarly in Alabama, which ratified in 1953, the Women&rsquos Anti-Ratification League put forward the idea that Alabama women should be more concerned about raising families than participation in civic life, and in Florida, which ratified in 1969, opposition from newspapers and politicians to suffrage was fierce.

In some states, opposition during the suffrage campaigns of the 1910s was founded on the fear that if the 19th Amendment were ratified, it would also mean that the federal government would then enforce the 14th and 15th Amendments, requiring the states to allow Black men to vote. It was also seen as interference in the states’ rights to decide on who could vote and who could not. In February 1920, Mississippi’s legislature rejected the ratification of the 19th, and was one of two states in the country, alongside Georgia, which argued that women had missed the registration cut-off, that still did not allow women to vote in the November 1920 election.

“The biggest lesson for me from the suffrage movement is that you need to fight to win the war, not the battle,” says Sally Roesch Wagner, historian, author and editor of The Women’s Suffrage Movement anthology.

There is some irony in Southern resistance of suffrage. As Wagner points out, the white suffragists who were the fact of the movement in 1920 had devoted much of their energy to winning over the votes of Southern states, including those that initially refused to ratify. In doing so, they “sold out the movement,” she says, by “using racism as organizational policy.”

When states ratified the 19th amendment well after 1920 it was more of a ceremonial gesture, but one that still did carry great symbolism.

It was an all-male Senate that voted on Mississippi’s ratification of the 19th amendment in 1984, in what was called a “housekeeping measure.” Yet it was introduced by two female state representatives Frances Savage of Brandon and Margaret Tate of Picayune. On its ratification, Savage suggested that the reason for the delay was that it was simply not a priority during the years of the Depression, World War II and the civil rights movement of the 1960s. But by then, it had once again risen to the top: As historian Marjorie Julian Spruill writes, when Mississippi was debating the proposed Equal Rights Amendment in the 1970s, “many Mississippians regarded the state’s failure to ratify the Nineteenth Amendment as an embarrassment,” especially as North Carolina became the penultimate state to ratify the Amendment in 1971.

On the day it was ratified in Mississippi, on March 22, 1984, Savage said that the action “reaffirms the right of women to participate in government in Mississippi.” Others were more surprised that the state had taken this long overdue step, given that women in Mississippi had already been voting for a long time. Newspapers reported that Jan Lewis, the state director of the ACLU at the time “burst into laughter when told the news” and said “well, the state seems to find itself a day late and a dollar short.”

Historian Martha S. Jones, author of the forthcoming book Vanguard: How Black Women Broke Barriers, Won the Vote, and Insisted on Equality for All., points to the later ratifications as reflective of states’ changing electorates and demographics. And the 19th Amendment was not alone: notably, the 13th and 15th Amendments, which banned slavery and gave Black Americans the right to vote in the wake of the Civil War, were also formally ratified by several states in the 1960s and 󈨊s, well after they had been added to the Constitution.

“It’s deeply symbolic because even the late ratifications are manifestations of the ways in which the allocation of political power has shifted in an individual state,” Jones says. “Black lawmakers, women lawmakers [and] Black women lawmakers are key to these shifts and it is a way of signaling their rise to political power.”

But while these late ratifications may be surprising, they actually fit right in with one of Jones’ primary arguments about the history of suffrage: that the ratification of the 19th Amendment was more of a touchstone in a series of decades-long struggles for marginalized communities, rather than the cornerstone event in achieving women’s suffrage.

For many Americans, that longer struggle stretched well beyond 1920 in ways that were not just symbolic. African American women and men alike continued to face Jim Crow laws, voter intimidation and suppression, lynching, discriminatory literacy tests and other barriers to voting across the country, particularly in those Southern states. Similarly, Wagner’s research on the Haudenoshaunee women of the Iroquois confederacy highlights how Indigenous women’s longstanding political power and voice within their communities influenced the thinking of white suffragists like Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Alice Cunningham Fletcher, even as Native American women were unable to vote until Congress passed the Indian Citizenship Act in 1924. For Asian American women too, 1920 did not bring immediate change. In 1912, the New York Times described Chinese-American suffrage activist Mabel Ping-Hua Lee as “the symbol of a new era, when all women will be free and unhampered.” But it wouldn’t be until 1943 that Chinese Americans were first permitted to become citizens, and until 1952 that the McCarran-Walter Act granted all people of Asian ancestry the right to become citizens, and therefore to vote.

And that story still continues. The current Congress is the body’s most racially and ethnically diverse, with a record number of women representatives, and yet the fight for all Americans to be able to vote continues today&mdashwhether or not all states have ratified the 19th Amendment.


Amendment added to U.S. Constitution

The Nineteenth Amendment was at last added to the Constitution, however, in August 1920 after Tennessee became the 36th and final state to ratify. It had taken almost 75 years for suffragists to achieve this victory.

The final indication of Mississippi's negative response to the Nineteenth Amendment was that the state was one of only two in the nation that did not allow women to vote in the November 1920 election. Instead, an all-male electorate voted on a state constitutional amendment for woman suffrage that received more yes than no votes, but not the majority of all votes cast. Therefore, the amendment failed. Suffragists had not bothered to campaign for it since they were enfranchised by national law and the state law would not matter. Nevertheless, it was still very disappointing to them that Mississippi, their home state, had not approved woman suffrage. Yet, a mere two years later, in one of the many ironies in Mississippi history, the state's two leading suffragists, Somerville and Kearney, were elected to the state legislature.

By the 1970s, when Mississippi was debating the proposed Equal Rights Amendment, many Mississippians regarded the state's failure to ratify the Nineteenth Amendment as an embarrassment as Mississippi was the only state that had never done so. Thus, on March 22, 1984, the Mississippi Legislature — on a day when few legislators were even listening and with no opposition — finally ratified the Nineteenth Amendment.

Marjorie Julian Spruill, Ph.D., is associate vice chancellor for institutional planning and research professor of history at Vanderbilt University. Previously she was professor of history at the University of Southern Mississippi. She is the author of New Women of the New South: The Leaders of the Woman Suffrage Movement in the Southern States, Oxford University Press, 1993. She has edited three books: One Woman, One Vote: Rediscovering the Woman Suffrage Movement, NewSage Press, 1995, Votes for Women! The Woman Suffrage Movement in Tennessee, the South, and the Nation, University of Tennessee Press, 1995, and a new edition of Mary Johnston’s 1913 pro-suffrage novel, Hagar, University Press of Virginia, 1994.

Jesse Spruill Wheeler, her son, studied Mississippi history while in the ninth grade during the 2000-2001 school year.


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