Carl Marzani

Carl Marzani


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Carl Aldo Marzani rođen je u Rimu, Italija, 4. marta 1912. Porodica je emigrirala u Sjedinjene Američke Države 1924. godine i nastanila se u Scrantonu u Pensilvaniji. Izuzetno inteligentan dječak koji je dobio stipendiju za Williams College. Ubrzo nakon toga postao je socijalista.

1936. Marzani je osvojio mjesto na Univerzitetu Oxford. Međutim, s izbijanjem Španjolskog građanskog rata pridružio se Međunarodnoj brigadi i služio je pod vođom anarhista Buenaventua Durruti. Do 1937. komandovao je jedinicom kolone Durruti.

Marzani se vratio na univerzitet i diplomirao moderne velikane, filozofiju, politiku i ekonomiju u junu 1938. Takođe se pridružio Komunističkoj partiji Velike Britanije prije nego što se preselio u Sjedinjene Države. Zaposlio se u Upravi za napredak radova (WPA), postao je član Komunističke partije Amerike i služio je kao okružni organizator na Donjoj istočnoj strani New Yorka. Napustio je stranku avgusta 1941.

Tokom Drugog svjetskog rata Marzani se pridružio Uredu za strateške usluge (OSS), a između 1942. i 1945. služio je u Odsjeku za analizu. Godine 1945. Marzani je prešao u State Department, gdje je radio kao zamjenik šefa Odjela za prezentacije Ureda za obavještajne poslove. Marzani se bavio pripremom najtajnijih izvještaja.

Marzani je 1946. osnovao Union Films za snimanje dokumentarnih filmova za sindikate. U januaru 1947. Marzani je optužen za prijevaru vlade primanjem vladine plate, prikrivajući članstvo u Komunističkoj partiji Amerike. Osuđen je 22. juna 1947. i osuđen na trideset šest meseci zatvora, uprkos molbama za uslovni otpust od strane Williama Donovana, Alberta Einsteina i Thomasa Manna.

Po objavljivanju je objavio Možemo biti prijatelji: porijeklo hladnog rata (1952), knjiga koja je okrivila Harryja S. Trumana za Hladni rat. Marzani je sada krenuo u izdavaštvo i osnovao kompaniju Marzani & Munsell. Prema Marzaniju, specijalizirao se za knjige koje narušavaju status quo.

Marzani je odbio prihvatiti da je Lee Harvey Oswald usamljeni napadač koji je ubio predsjednika Johna F. Kennedyja. Objavio je nekoliko brošura na tu temu. Takođe je objavio Oswald, Assassin ili Fall Guy? (1964.) Joachima Joestena. Joesten je u knjizi tvrdio da su se Centralna obavještajna agencija, Federalni istražni biro, Policija u Dallasu i grupa desničarskih naftnih milionera iz Teksasa urotili da ubiju Kennedyja. Otvoreno je optužio šefa policije Jessea Curryja da je jedna od ključnih osoba u atentatu.

Victor Perlo, pregledavajući knjigu u New Timesu, komentirao je da je knjigu odbilo nekoliko izdavača prije nego što ju je Marzani prihvatio. "Firma je zaslužna za objavljivanje i promociju knjige, tako da su hiljade primjeraka prodane u kratkom vremenu, uprkos zastoju komercijalnih recenzenata. Izdavač-urednik Carl Marzani sjajno je uredio rukopis ... Ovaj recenzent pristupio je knjizi Joesten sa skepticizam. Uprkos niskom mišljenju o policiji u Dallasu i FBI -u, imao sam dovoljno iskustva da znam da se u Americi dešavaju krajnje besmislene stvari ... Ali knjiga Joesten izbrisala je većinu mog skepticizma. "

Knjiga je u velikoj mjeri zanemarena od strane vodećih medija, ali ju je recenzirao Hugh Aynesworth, snažni pobornik teorije o usamljenom napadaču i izvještač sa Dallas Morning News, u Urednik i izdavač. "Joesten, bivši Nijemac koji je postao američki državljanin 1948. godine ... navodi da je Oswald bio agent i FBI-a i CIA-e (kako je to s 24-godišnjakom koji nije znao pisati" zglob "?) . To je ista stara tripica s nekim novim okusom. " Aynesworth koristi recenziju da kritizira Marka Lanea, koji je bio još jedan pisac koji je doveo u pitanje ideju da je Oswald usamljeni napadač: "Lane je uzročnik problema koji je proveo dva dana u Dallasu u siječnju na svojoj istrazi i sada se pretvara da je stručnjak za sve aspekte čudne tragedije. "

Nakon objavljivanja izvještaja Warrenove komisije, Marzinijev stari prijatelj, I. F. Stone branio je to u I. Stone's Weekly, navodeći da "vjerujem da je Komisija obavila prvorazredan posao, na nivou kojim se naša zemlja ponosi i vrijedna je tako tragičnog događaja. Smatram da je slučaj protiv Lee Harveyja Oswalda, usamljenog ubice predsjednika, konačan. " Stone je zatim nastavio s proučavanjem uloge koju su imali Marzini, Thomas G. Buchanan i Joachim Joesten, u dvije knjige koje su već objavljene tvrdeći da je postojala zavjera: "Knjiga Joesten je smeće, a Carl Marzani - koga Branio sam protiv labavih optužbi u najgorim danima lova na vještice - trebao je imati više osjećaja javne odgovornosti nego objaviti ga. Thomas G. Buchanan, još jedna žrtva dana lova na vještice, ušao je u sličnu glupost u svojoj knjizi, Ko je ubio Kennedyja? Ne možete osuditi pljačkaša lopova na laskavu šamaru-zajedno sa pretpostavkama, polu činjenicama i cijelom neistinom ni u jednoj knjizi ... Cijeli svoj odrasli život kao novinar borio sam se u odbrani ljevice i zdrave politike, protiv teorija zavjere historije, atentata na likove, krivice udruživanjem i demonologije. Sada vidim elemente ljevice koji koriste istu taktiku u kontroverzi oko ubistva Kennedyja i izvještaja Warrenove komisije. "

Carl Aldo Marzani umro je 11. decembra 1994.

Cijeli svoj odrasli život kao novinar borio sam se, u odbrani ljevice i zdrave politike, protiv teorija zavjere o historiji, atentata na likove, krivice udruživanja i demonologije. Sada vidim elemente ljevice koji koriste istu taktiku u kontroverzi oko ubistva Kennedyja i izvještaja Warrenove komisije. Vjerujem da je Komisija obavila prvorazredan posao, na nivou kojim se naša zemlja ponosi i vrijedna je tako tragičnog događaja. Smatram da je slučaj protiv Lee Harvey Oswalda kao usamljenog ubice predsjednika konačan. Po prirodi slučaja, apsolutna izvjesnost nikada neće biti postignuta, a oni koji su još uvijek uvjereni u Oswaldovu nevinost imaju pravo nastaviti potragu za dokazima koji bi ga mogli osloboditi. Ali želim da predložim da se ova potraga nastavi trezveno i sa potpunom svešću o čemu se radi.

Knjiga Joesten je smeće, a Carl Marzani - kojeg sam branio od lažnih optužbi u najgorim danima lova na vještice - trebao je imati više osjećaja javne odgovornosti nego objaviti je. Buchanan, još jedna žrtva dana lova na vještice, ušao je u sličnu glupost u svojoj knjizi, Ko je ubio Kennedyja? Niti u jednoj knjizi niste mogli osuditi pilećeg lopova na laskavu šamaru.


Carl Marzani - Historija

Vodič do papira Carl Aldo Marzani TAM 154

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Opis je na engleskom jeziku. koristeći Opisivanje arhive: Standard za sadržaj

Istorijsko/biografska bilješka

Carl Marzani (1912-1994), talijansko-američki imigrantski radikal, nakratko je bio organizator Komunističke partije, SAD-a na donjoj istočnoj strani New Yorka, služio je u Uredu za strateške službe tokom Drugog svjetskog rata, a kratko nakon toga u State Departmentu, bio je politički dokumentarista, autor šest knjiga i brojnih članaka, te kao urednik i izdavač, prvo je preveo objavljene dijelove djela talijanskog marksista Antonija Gramscija. Marzani je odslužio gotovo tri godine zatvora, od 1947. do 1950. godine, zbog prijevare Sjedinjenih Država prikrivanjem svog prijeratnog članstva u Partiji tokom perioda svog vladinog zaposlenja. Veći dio svog života živio je i radio u New Yorku.

Carl Marzani rođen je u Rimu, Italija, 4. marta 1912. Carlov otac, Gabriel, bio je socijalista, a porodica je emigrirala u Sjedinjene Američke Države 1924. godine, nastanivši se u Scrantonu u Pensilvaniji. U Americi je Carl krenuo u prvi razred sa dvanaest godina. Kako se engleski poboljšavao, postao je izvanredan student, a 1931. Carl je završio srednju školu Scranton i dobio stipendiju za Williams College.

Jednom na fakultetu, Carl je postao priznati socijalista. Pridružio se Ligi za industrijsku demokratiju i napisao je priče koje odražavaju njegova uvjerenja za školski književni časopis: Sketch, čiji je urednik postao na drugoj godini studija. Još dok je bio na fakultetu, Carl je upoznao ženu koja će mu kasnije postati prva supruga, glumicu Edith Eisner, čije se umjetničko ime zvalo Edith Emerson. Marzani je diplomirao sa sumom cum laude na koledžu Williams 1935, sa diplomom engleskog jezika. Nakon što je diplomirao, Carl je otišao u New York da traži posao koji je zbog depresije bio rijedak. U ljeto 1936. dobio je vijest sa koledža Williams da mu je dodijeljena stipendija Moody na Univerzitetu Oxford.

U ovom trenutku svog života, Carl se smatrao "blagim radikalom". On je slabo znao o komunizmu i nije čitao ništa o marksizmu. Međutim, to se promijenilo na putu za Englesku kako bi posjetio Oxford krajem avgusta 1936. godine, kada je pročitao Trockijevu Istorija ruske revolucije, što je imalo dubok uticaj na njega. 1936. izbio je Španjolski građanski rat i postalo je poznato da je Mussolini podržavao Franca slanjem aviona i trupa. Krajem 1936. do početka 1937. Carl je služio kao član Durruti kolone, vodećih anarhističkih trupa u Španiji. Potom se vratio u Oxford kako bi završio studije, i oženio se Edith u Oxfordu 12. marta 1937. U junu 1938. Carl je diplomirao modernu veliku filozofiju, politiku i ekonomiju. Dok je Carl bio u Španiji, Edith je postala komunistkinja. Pod utjecajem Edith, Marzani se pridružio Britanskoj komunističkoj partiji i postao blagajnik okruga South Midlands. U ljeto 1938. Carl i Edith napustili su Oxford sa 500 dolara i stopirali po svijetu, posjetivši Indiju, Indokinu, Kinu, Japan i Evropu, te su iskoristili svoje komunističke kontakte za susret s Nehruom i drugim važnim radikalima.

U maju 1939. godine, Marzanisti su se vratili u Ameriku, gdje su se preselili u njujorški Lower East Side. Imajući poteškoća sa spajanjem kraj s krajem, bili su na olakšici, a kasnije su dobili posao preko Uprave za napredak radova (WPA). Carl i Edith također su se pridružili Komunističkoj partiji, SAD, pod imenima Tony Whales i Edith Charles. Marzanijev WPA posao bio je raditi na studijama prihoda na Univerzitetu New York. Iz WPA -e, Marzani je preuzeo poziciju pomoćnog instruktora, a zatim je unaprijeđen u instruktora. Za to vrijeme, Carl je bio okružni organizator Komunističke partije na Donjoj istočnoj strani. Nakon invazije na Sovjetski Savez, Komunistička partija je osnovala popularnu frontovsku antifašističku organizaciju i htjela je da Marzani postane njen direktor. Marzani se složio, ali je u kolovozu 1941. podnio ostavku na Komunističku partiju jer je smatrao da ne može funkcionirati u oba svojstva.

Početkom 1942. Carl je dao ostavku na posao na NYU i otišao u Washington kako bi pomogao u ratnim naporima. Od 1942.-1945. Marzani je radio pod pukovnikom Williamom J. Donovanom za Ured za strateške usluge u Odsjeku za analizu. 23. avgusta 1943. Marzani je regrutovan. Odležao je dve nedelje u vojnom programu osnovne obuke u Virdžiniji, a zatim je vraćen na OSS. Ubrzo nakon toga rođeno mu je prvo dijete Judith Enrica (Ricky). 1945. preselio se u State Department, gdje je radio kao zamjenik šefa Odjela za prezentacije Ureda za obavještajne poslove. Najznačajniji Marzanijev posao bio je priprema najtajnijih izvještaja za vojskovođe, prikupljanje složenih statističkih podataka i priopćavanje rezultata u svim medijima, uključujući filmove. Takođe je odabrao mete za napad Doolittlea na Tokio, koji se dogodio 18. aprila 1942.

Godine 1946. Marzani je odlučio napustiti državnu službu te je osnovao i režirao Union Films, filmsku dokumentarnu kompaniju koja je imala ugovore s United Electrical i drugim sindikatima za snimanje dokumentarnih filmova za njih. Najvažniji film Rok za akciju, 40-minutni dokumentarac snimljen za United Electrical, Radio i Machine Machines America (UE-CIO), stavio je veliku odgovornost za Hladni rat na Sjedinjene Države, povezujući ovo sa sve većim napadima na sindikate. Dokumentarac je objavljen u septembru 1946. godine, pet sedmica prije nego što je Marzani dao ostavku na Stejt department.

Uprkos časnoj službi Marzanija u OSS -u, njegovom prethodnom članstvu u Komunističkoj partiji i Rok doveo je do podizanja optužnice u jedanaest tačaka u januaru 1947. po optužbama za prevaru-primanje vladine plate uz prikrivanje prijeratnog članstva u Komunističkoj partiji. U to vrijeme Edith je saznala da je trudna s njihovim drugim djetetom. 22. juna 1947. godine, Carl Marzani je osuđen na Federalnom sudu u Washingtonu. Apelacioni sud je odbacio devet tačaka koje je Vrhovni sud (dozvoljavajući retku ponovljenu raspravu) podelio 4-4 na poslednje dve. Marzani je odslužio trideset dva mjeseca kazne od trideset šest mjeseci.

U zatvoru je Marzani proučavao i pravio bilješke za knjigu, Možemo biti prijatelji: porijeklo hladnog rata(1952), koji pokazuje kako je Truman započeo Hladni rat. U septembru 1947. Edith je rodila njihovo drugo dijete, Anthony (Tony) Hugh. Godine 1950. Marzani je pokušao prokrijumčariti rukopis na kojem je radio, ali je uhvaćen i stavljen u samicu na sedam mjeseci. Tokom svog boravka u zatvoru, Carl i Edith su mnogo pisali jedno drugom. Edith je vodila Union Films, odgajala njihovo dvoje male djece, podržavala Carlovu majku i borila se s multiplom sklerozom. Union Films je prekinut 1949. godine, nakon što ga je New York maltretirao kršenjem zona i drugim ograničenjima.

Nakon izlaska iz zatvora 1951., Marzani je radio za United Electrical Workers, kao urednik UE Steward, časopis za lidere, do 1954. Tada se pridružio Cameron Associates, na čelu sa Angusom Cameronom, radikalnim urednikom. Zajedno su vodili Književni klub Liberty (osnovan 1948). Jedna od prvih objavljenih knjiga bila je Radnička neispričana priča, povijest američkog radničkog pokreta, objavljena za UE i odražavajući njene stavove. Nakon što je Cameron otišao, poduhvat je postao Marzani & amp Munsell koji je upravljao Knjižničko-knjižarskim klubom Prometej. Značajne titule Cameron Associatesa uključuju: Lažni svjedok, Otvoreni marksizam Antonija Gramscijai Marzanijev autobiografski roman, Preživeli.

1960. godine Carl i njegova prva supruga Edith razdvojili su se 1961. godine, a razveli 1966. godine. 1966. godine oženio se Charlotte Pomerantz, spisateljicom dječjih knjiga. Imali su dvoje dece zajedno. Kći, Gabrielle Rose, rođena je 12. decembra 1967. godine, a sin Daniel Avram, rođen je 19. februara 1969. Takođe 1966. godine, Carlova izdavačka kompanija, Marzani & amp Munsell, uništena je u požaru. Carl je zatim nastavio s kupovinom, renoviranjem i iznajmljivanjem četiri braon kamena u Chelseaju na Manhattanu (dio jednog od njih postao mu je dom). Marzani je takođe napisao Obećanje evrokomunizma(1981) i autobiografiju u četiri toma, Obrazovanje nevoljnog radikala(1992-1994).

Krajem 1980 -ih Carlovo zdravlje je opalo. Umro je 11. decembra 1994.

Musser, Charles. "Carl Marzani i Union Films Snimanje dokumentaraca s lijeve strane tokom Hladnog rata, 1946-1953. " Pokretna slika vol. 9, br. 1 (2009): 104-160.


Neriješen slučaj Marzani

15. maja 2009

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I.F. Stone razotkriva nepravdu vladinog tužilaštva i#8211ili progon#lojalnog građanina po imenu Carl Marzani.

Washington, 30. decembra

U uobičajenim okolnostima, Vrhovni sud Sjedinjenih Država je uzaludan prijedlog da odobri ponovnu raspravu. Okolnosti u slučaju Carla Marzanija daleko su od običnih. Ovo probno gonjenje opskurnog bivšeg državnog službenika baca produbljenu sjenu na prošle i buduće čistke lojalnosti. Vrhovni sud je nakon saslušanja žalbe podijelio četiri na četiri i 20. decembra bez mišljenja objavio da je odluka nižeg suda potvrđena. Potvrda je proizašla iz proizvoljnog pravila da se, kada je Vrhovni sud podjednako podijeljen, korist od sumnje daje sudu u nastavku, a ne apelantu. Pravilo bi pravednije moglo funkcionirati na drugi način. Jedan nezadovoljnik u poroti dovoljan je da blokira osuđujuću presudu, a podjednako podijeljen sud u krivičnim predmetima djelovao bi sasvim dovoljno da ukaže na razumnu sumnju.

Argument za ponovno saslušanje u predmetu Marzani počiva na okolnostima zbog kojih se pitamo ne bi li se neriješeno moglo riješiti. Prije svega, ne bi bilo izjednačenja da je sudija Douglas učestvovao. Iz neutvrđenih razloga Douglas je napustio klupu kada je počela rasprava u predmetu Marzani. Nema očitih razloga zašto Douglas nije trebao sudjelovati jer nije bio povezan ni s Ministarstvom pravde, niti s State Departmentom. Da je znao da bi se sud ravnomjerno podijelio, možda bi postupio drugačije.

Jedan od sudaca koji je zaista učestvovao u odluci bio je izvan grada zbog govornog angažmana kada se raspravljalo o slučaju Marzani. Da je pravda Jackson odbio glasovati s obrazloženjem da nije čuo usmenu argumentaciju, glasanje bi bilo četiri prema tri. Možda bi, s obzirom na pitanja koja su neriješena, neriješen pravda Jackson mogao odobriti ponovnu raspravu. Svakako da je sjedio sam u nekom predmetu, ne bi pomislio donijeti odluku bez saslušanja argumenata.

U drugom predmetu odlučeno je da je istog dana sudija Jackson ranije poduzeo neobične korake za rješavanje jednakog broja glasova na sudu. U mišljenju koje priznaje ozbiljne sumnje u ispravnost njegovog kursa, pravda Jackson je intervenisala da bi glasala što je konačno omogućilo sudu da sasluša argumente o svojoj nadležnosti u predmetima ratnih zločina. Sudija Jackson, kao učesnik nacističkih procesa u Nurnbergu, izrazio je neke nedoumice u vezi sa svojom intervencijom u žalbi na slična suđenja u Tokiju. Nadao se da bi glasanjem za saslušanje argumenata zastupnika Hirote i Doihare mogao uvjeriti jasnu većinu svojih kolega sudija da Vrhovni sud Sjedinjenih Država nema nadležnost nad međunarodnim ratnim sudovima. Pomalo nepravilan manevar bio je uspješan. Pravda koja je prekinula kravatu u japanskim slučajevima bila je pravda koja je stvorila kravatu u slučaju Marzani.

Ne bi bile potrebne nepravilnosti da bi se odobrilo ponovno saslušanje u predmetu Marzani. Postoje snažni razlozi za nastojanje da se donese jasna odluka. Ostaviti neriješeno glasanje o odluci Marzani znači ostaviti neriješenim kontradikciju između dvije odluke Okružnog suda Sjedinjenih Država koje su postavljale suprotna tumačenja zakona koji je slučaj Marzani trebao testirati. Pitanje se odnosi na odredbu Zakona o poravnanju ratnih ugovora iz 1944. godine kojom se zastara zastareva do tri godine nakon završetka rata u slučajevima prijevara. Pitanje je da li se to odnosi samo na ratne ugovore i slična pitanja u kojima je vlada finansijski prevarena ili se može proširiti na bilo koje pogrešno objavljivanje u radu sa saveznom vladom gdje nije bilo finansijskih gubitaka, kao u slučaju Marzani.


Carl Marzani

Dana 28. aprila 1966 Carl Marzani bio je govornik na svečanoj večeri Herbert Aptheker. Večera je održana povodom 50. rođendana Herberta Apthekera, objavljivanja njegove 20. knjige i 2. godišnjice Američkog instituta za marksističke studije. Održano je u balskoj dvorani Sutton, New York Hilton, Avenue of America, 53. do 54. ulice, New York City. Većina govornika, organizatora i sponzora bili su poznati članovi ili simpatizeri Komunističke partije SAD.

Marzani je također bio sponzor događaja. [1]


Carl Marzani

Carl Aldo Marzani (4. mart 1912. - 11. decembar 1994.) bio je američki ljevičarski politički aktivista i izdavač. Uzastopno je bio organizator Komunističke partije, vojnik dobrovoljac u Španjolskom građanskom ratu, savezni obavještajni službenik Sjedinjenih Država, režiser dokumentarnih filmova, autor i izdavač. Tokom Drugog svjetskog rata služio je u saveznoj obavještajnoj agenciji, Uredu za strateške službe (OSS), a kasnije i u State Departmentu SAD -a. Odabrao je mete za napad Doolittlea na Tokio, koji se dogodio 18. aprila 1942. Marzani je odslužio gotovo tri godine zatvora jer je prikrivao svoje članstvo u Komunističkoj partiji dok je bio u OSS -u.

Marzani je rođen u Rimu, Italija. Porodica je emigrirala u Sjedinjene Države 1924. godine i nastanila se u Scrantonu u Pensilvaniji. Carl je ušao u prvi razred sa dvanaest godina, ne znajući engleski. Srednju školu završio je 1931. godine sa stipendijom na koledžu Williams. Tamo je Marzani postao socijalista i pridružio se Ligi za industrijsku demokratiju. Počeo je pisati i postao urednik školskog književnog časopisa. 1935. oženio se prvom suprugom Edith Eisner, glumicom čije se umjetničko ime zvala Edith Emerson. Iste godine diplomirao je engleski jezik sa sumom cum laude na koledžu Williams. Marzani se nakon toga preselio u New York. Godine 1936. dobio je stipendiju Moody na Univerzitetu Oxford.

Kada je izbio građanski rat u Španiji, Marzani je otputovao u Španiju da se dobrovoljno prijavi za republikansku vojsku. Komandovao je trupama Kolona Durruti, jedinica anarhističkog krila republikanskih snaga, krajem 1936. i početkom 1937. Ubrzo je nastavio univerzitetske studije, a u junu 1938. Marzani je diplomirao moderne velikane, filozofiju, politiku i ekonomiju iz Oxforda. Bivši anarhistički pristaša doživio je radikalnu promjenu u svojoj ideologiji, pridružio se Britanskoj komunističkoj partiji i bio njen blagajnik okruga South Midlands. U ljeto 1938. Marzani i njegova druga supruga putovali su svijetom, posjetili Indiju, Indokinu, Kinu, Japan i Evropu, koristeći kontakte Komunističke partije kako bi upoznali Nehrua i druge.

Nakon svjetske turneje, Marzanisti su se vratili u Sjedinjene Države i otišli na olakšanje, termin New Deal za vladinu pomoć i dobrobit. Na kraju su dobili posao koji je plaćala vlada u Upravi za napredak radova (WPA), dok su se istovremeno pridružili CPUSA -i pod lažnim identitetima. Marzani se pridružio CPUSA-i 23. avgusta 1939., na dan potpisivanja nacističko-sovjetskog pakta. Kao instruktor WPA na Univerzitetu u New Yorku, bio je okružni organizator Komunističke partije na Donjoj istočnoj strani New Yorka. Nakon njemačke invazije na Sovjetski Savez sredinom 1941. godine, Marzani je postao direktor popularne frontalne antifašističke organizacije, a u kolovozu 1941. dao je ostavku na Komunističku partiju.

Početkom 1942. nakon što su se Sjedinjene Države uključile u Drugi svjetski rat, Marzani se pridružio Uredu za strateške službe (OSS), prethodnoj organizaciji Centralne obavještajne agencije (CIA). Marzani je radio pod pukovnikom Williamom J. Donovanom od 1942. do 1945. u Odsjeku za analizu. Dešifriranje sovjetskog špijunskog kabelskog prometa iz projekta Venona iz 1943. objavljeno je pod američkim kodnim imenom Kollega ("Koledž"), kojeg je zaposlio Eugene Dennis, koji je kasnije postao generalni sekretar CPUSA -e. Opisana poruka Kollega koji radi u "Fotografskoj sekciji Pictural Devision" (sic), koju su američki analitičari protumačili kao "vjerovatno odjel za slike Biroa za vijesti i značajke Ureda za ratne informacije" (OWI). [1] Nekoliko je autora to spekuliralo Kollega je bio Marzani, [2] [3] iako je to bilo osporavano. [4] Godine 1945. Marzani je prešao u State Department, gdje je radio kao zamjenik šefa Odjela za prezentacije Ureda za obavještajne poslove. Marzani se bavio pripremom najtajnijih izvještaja.

1946. Marzani je osnovao i režirao Union Films, filmsku dokumentarnu kompaniju koja je imala ugovore sa Sjedinjenim Američkim radnicima za električnu, radio i mašinu i drugim sindikatima za snimanje dokumentarnih filmova. Jedan film pod naslovom Rok za akciju, pušten je u septembru 1946. godine, pet tjedana prije nego što je Marzani podnio ostavku na Stejt department. Film je okrivio Sjedinjene Države za Hladni rat.

U januaru 1947. Marzani je optužen za prijevaru vlade primanjem vladine plate uz prikrivanje članstva CPUSA -e. Osuđen je 22. juna 1947., ali je devet tačaka po žalbi poništeno, dok je Vrhovni sud podijelio 4-4 na rijetku ponovnu raspravu posljednje dvije optužbe. Marzani je izdržao kaznu od trideset šest mjeseci, osim četiri mjeseca.

U zatvoru je Marzani počeo raditi na knjizi kojom se predsjednik Harry Harry Truman okrivljuje za početak Hladnog rata. Uhvaćen u pokušaju krijumčarenja rukopisa iz zatvora 1950. godine, stavljen je u samicu na sedam mjeseci. Knjiga je objavljena 1952. kao Možemo biti prijatelji: porijeklo hladnog rata.

Union Films se ugasio tokom boravka u zatvoru. Nakon puštanja 1951., Marzani je uređivao UE Steward za United Electrical Workers do 1954. Iste godine pridružio se Cameron Associates i udružio se s Angusom Cameronom za vođenje Liberty Book Cluba. Književni klub Liberty na kraju je postao Marzani & amp Munsell koji je upravljao Knjižničko-knjižarskim klubom Prometej. U ovoj fazi svoje karijere Marzani je bio kontakt sa sovjetskom agencijom tajne policije, KGB -om, a KGB je subvencionisao njegovu izdavačku kuću 1960 -ih, prema navodima Oleg Kalugina, penzionisanog oficira KGB -a 1994. godine.

Marzani je bio jedan od sagovornika u knjizi Vivian Gornick iz 1977. godine, Romantika američkog komunizma. Kao i drugi sagovornici, Marzani je bio prikriven pseudonimom "Eric Lanzetti". [5] [6]


Carl Marzani

Carl Aldo Marzani (4. mart 1912.-11. decembar 1994.) je bio ljevičarski politički aktivista i izdavač italijanskog porijekla. Uzastopno je bio organizator Komunističke partije, vojnik dobrovoljac u Španjolskom građanskom ratu, savezni obavještajni službenik Sjedinjenih Država, režiser dokumentarnih filmova, autor i izdavač. Tokom Drugog svjetskog rata služio je u saveznoj obavještajnoj agenciji, Uredu za strateške službe (OSS), a kasnije i u State Departmentu SAD -a. Odabrao je mete za napad Doolittlea na Tokio, koji se dogodio 18. aprila 1942. Marzani je odslužio gotovo tri godine zatvora jer je prikrivao svoje članstvo u Komunističkoj partiji SAD (CPUSA) dok je bio u OSS -u.

Marzani je rođen u Rimu, Italija. Porodica je emigrirala u Sjedinjene Države 1924. godine i nastanila se u Scrantonu u Pensilvaniji. Carl je ušao u prvi razred sa dvanaest godina, ne znajući engleski. Srednju školu završio je 1931. godine sa stipendijom na koledžu Williams. Tamo je Marzani postao socijalista i pridružio se Ligi za industrijsku demokratiju. Počeo je pisati i postao urednik školskog književnog časopisa. 1935. oženio se prvom suprugom Edith Eisner, glumicom čije se umjetničko ime zvala Edith Emerson. Iste godine diplomirao je engleski jezik sa sumom cum laude na koledžu Williams. Marzani se nakon toga preselio u New York. Godine 1936. dobio je stipendiju Moody na Univerzitetu Oxford.

Kada je izbio građanski rat u Španiji, Marzani je otputovao u Španiju da se dobrovoljno prijavi za republikansku vojsku. Komandovao je trupama Kolona Durruti, jedinica anarhističkog krila republikanskih snaga, krajem 1936. i početkom 1937. Ubrzo je nastavio univerzitetske studije, a u junu 1938. Marzani je diplomirao moderne velikane, filozofiju, politiku i ekonomiju iz Oxforda. Bivši anarhistički pristaša doživio je radikalnu promjenu u svojoj ideologiji, pridružio se Britanskoj komunističkoj partiji i bio njen blagajnik okruga South Midlands. U ljeto 1938. Marzani i njegova druga supruga putovali su svijetom, posjećujući Indiju, Indokinu, Kinu, Japan i Evropu, koristeći kontakte Komunističke partije za upoznavanje Jawaharlala Nehrua i drugih.

Nakon svjetske turneje, Marzanisti su se vratili u Sjedinjene Američke Države i otišli na pomoć, njemačka invazija na Sovjetski Savez sredinom 1941. godine, Marzani je postao direktor popularne frontalne antifašističke organizacije, a u kolovozu 1941. dao je ostavku na Komunističku partiju.

Početkom 1942. nakon što su se Sjedinjene Države uključile u Centralnu obavještajnu agenciju (CIA). Marzani je radio pod pukovnikom Williamom J. Donovanom od 1942. do 1945. u Odsjeku za analizu. Dešifriranje sovjetskog špijunskog kabelskog prometa iz projekta Venona iz 1943. objavljeno je pod američkim kodnim imenom Kollega ("Koledž"), kojeg je zaposlio Eugene Dennis, koji je kasnije postao generalni sekretar CPUSA -e. Opisana poruka Kollega radi u "Fotografskoj sekciji Pictural Devision" (sic), koju su američki analitičari protumačili kao "vjerovatno odjel za slike Biroa za vijesti i značajke Ureda za ratne informacije" (OWI). [1] Nekoliko je autora to spekuliralo Kollega je bio Marzani, [2] [3] iako je to bilo osporavano. [4] Godine 1945. Marzani je prešao u State Department, gdje je radio kao zamjenik šefa Odjela za prezentacije Ureda za obavještajne poslove. Marzani se bavio pripremom najtajnijih izvještaja.

1946. Marzani je osnovao i režirao Union Films, filmsku dokumentarnu kompaniju koja je imala ugovore sa Sjedinjenim Američkim radnicima za električnu, radio i mašinu i drugim sindikatima za snimanje dokumentarnih filmova. Jedan film pod naslovom Rok za akciju, pušten je u septembru 1946. godine, pet sedmica prije nego što je Marzani podnio ostavku na Stejt department. Film je okrivio Sjedinjene Države za Hladni rat.

U januaru 1947. Marzani je optužen za prijevaru vlade primanjem vladine plate uz prikrivanje članstva CPUSA -e. Osuđen je 22. juna 1947., ali je devet tačaka po žalbi poništeno, dok je Vrhovni sud podijelio 4-4 na rijetku ponovnu raspravu posljednje dvije optužbe. Marzani je izdržao kaznu od trideset šest mjeseci, osim četiri mjeseca.

U zatvoru je Marzani počeo raditi na knjizi kojom se predsjednik Harry Harry Truman okrivljuje za početak Hladnog rata. Uhvaćen u pokušaju krijumčarenja rukopisa iz zatvora 1950. godine, stavljen je u samicu na sedam mjeseci. Knjiga je objavljena 1952. kao Možemo biti prijatelji: porijeklo hladnog rata.

Union Films se ugasio tokom boravka u zatvoru. Nakon puštanja 1951., Marzani je uređivao UE Steward za United Electrical Workers do 1954. Iste godine pridružio se Cameron Associates i udružio se s Angusom Cameronom za vođenje Liberty Book Cluba. Književni klub Liberty na kraju je postao Marzani & Munsell koji je upravljao Knjižničko-knjižarskim klubom Prometej. U ovoj fazi svoje karijere Marzani je bio kontakt sa sovjetskom agencijom tajne policije, KGB -om, a KGB je subvencionisao njegovu izdavačku kuću 1960 -ih, prema navodima Oleg Kalugina, penzionisanog oficira KGB -a 1994. godine.

Marzani je bio jedan od sagovornika u knjizi Vivian Gornick iz 1977. godine, Romantika američkog komunizma. Kao i drugi sagovornici, Marzani je bio prikriven pseudonimom "Eric Lanzetti". [5] [6]

Kasnijih godina čini se da se Marzani odmaknuo od svojih korijena Stare ljevice. In 1972 he authored Wounded Earth, [7] a well-respected book on environmental matters, at that time an unusual interest for a man associated with orthodox Marxism. In a 1976 article for the periodical In These Times, [8] he spoke respectfully of the Club of Rome, a think-tank formed by a group of Italian industrialists in 1968 "it is a highly sophisticated group, the most thoughtful representatives of European capitalism". In a note appended to the article he commented "I have only two claims to fame : that I was the first political prisoner of the Cold War and that I wrote the first revisionist history of it." He continued to proclaim his newfound revisionism in his 1981 book The Promise of Eurocommunism. [9]


Rani život

Swiss psychiatrist Carl Gustav Jung was born July 26, 1875, in Kesswil, Switzerland. The only son of a Protestant clergyman, Jung was a quiet, observant child who packed a certain loneliness in his single-child status. However, perhaps as a result of that isolation, he spent hours observing the roles of the adults around him, something that no doubt shaped his later career and work.

Jung&aposs childhood was further influenced by the complexities of his parents. His father, Paul, developed a failing belief in the power of religion as he grew older. Jung&aposs mother, Emilie, was haunted by mental illness and, when her boy was just three, left the family to live temporarily in a psychiatric hospital.

As was the case with his father and many other male relatives, it was expected that Jung would enter the clergy. Instead, Jung, who began reading philosophy extensively in his teens, bucked tradition and attended the University of Basel. There, he was exposed to numerous fields of study, including biology, paleontology, religion and archaeology, before finally settling on medicine.

Jung graduated the University of Basel in 1900 and obtained his M.D. two years later from the University of Zurich.


Čovek za sva godišnja doba

Percy Brazil lives in Connecticut and is a director of the Monthly Review Foundation.

In recent years four remarkable and quite disparate stalwarts of the left have died, but not without each leaving his own quintessential and characteristic hallmark. Although each was profoundly different from the others, they had much in common for, as I will argue, their core was identical.

The four horsemen of the left were Paul Sweezy, Angus Cameron, Daniel Singer, and the subject of this review, Carl Marzani. I knew them all they were my close friends.

Sweezy, the son of a vice president of the First National Bank of New York, was born and raised in Englewood, New Jersey, where J. P. Morgan and other financial types lived. He went to Harvard and earned degrees in economics. While there, he became an enthusiast of the Boston Red Sox. Cameron was an American born descendant of Scottish Covenanters (Reformed Presbyterians). Singer was a Jewish, Polish, English, French, middle-European secularist. And Marzani was a sui generis Catholic, Italian-American firecracker.

What was it that they had in common? What was their core? Sweezy was a nonsectarian Marxist whose only political party involvement was with the Progressive Party of Henry Wallace. Cameron distrusted political parties although he too was a Wallace activist in the 1948 presidential race. Singer, a disciple of Isaac Deutscher, described himself as a Luxemburgian socialist, and Marzani was a Gramscian ideologue. Of the four, only Marzani had a flirtation with a communist party (the British Communist Party, 1937� and the Communist Party U.S.A., 1939�).

Marzani was born in Rome in 1912, attended Catholic school, and was at one time an altar boy at a Dominican monastery. He and his family migrated to Scranton, Pennsylvania in 1924. His father worked as a coal miner, a laborer on the railroad, and finally a presser in the garment industry. His mother was a knitting machine worker. Carl went to school in Scranton and, although he spoke no English when he arrived in the United States, six years later he was offered scholarships at Hamilton College in New York (for $190) and Williams College in Massachusetts (for $450). He accepted the latter.

His classmates included Richard Helms (who later achieved fame and notoriety in the CIA) and Herb Stein (who became chair of Nixon&rsquos Council of Economic Advisors). In the class elections of 1935, Helms was perceptively voted “most likely to succeed,” receiving 52 votes to 7 for Marzani. In the “most brilliant” category, Marzani won with 42 votes to 23 for Helms, and Stein got 19. Years later, Helms, who lied under oath before a Congressional committee, received a slap on the wrist. Marzani, on joining the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) during the Second World War, withheld any mention of his earlier membership in the Communist Party. He did this with the full knowledge and acquiescence of the people involved in hiring him, all of whom were aware of his political past. The result was he was sent to prison for three years.

The story of how and when Marzani became a political activist is of great interest. As the most brilliant student of the year, Williams College sent him to Oxford University. He wanted to become a playwright, and at Oxford he immersed himself in drama (writing, directing, and producing plays). The August 4, 1938, 0xford Mail has a page describing a presentation of Chaucer&rsquos “Nonnes Preestes Tale,” with Professor J. R. R. Tolkein, and produced by Marzani. Hitler, Mussolini, and the Spanish Civil War made 1938 a year of ferment in Europe. I suspect the drama of those times made Marzani interested in politics, and he started attending Communist Party meetings at the university. He applied for, and obtained, membership in the British Communist Party. During the summer he vacationed in the south of France and crossed the border into Spain to see what was going on. He went to the front and joined up with the anarchist Durruti Column. The leaders of the column thought he was a Comintern agent and told him that he&rsquod better get out of the country. He was in Spain all of three days.

It turned out that he was at the same front as George Orwell, who came back from Spain a dedicated anticommunist. Marzani, however, came back from Spain a dedicated antifascist.

Nobody ever got rich being a lefty. Society rarely rewards such misguided souls. On the contrary, a pound of flesh is usually required, and each of our four stalwarts had to pay. At Harvard, Sweezy was passed over for appointment to a tenured professorship, despite Joseph Schumpeter&rsquos campaign on his behalf. Cameron lost his job as editor in chief at Little Brown. Singer left his job at the Economist in order to write Prelude to Revolution in 1968. Marzani was sent to prison for three years.

Nothing daunted them. Sweezy, who had already written the classic Theory of Capitalist Development, went on to write (with Paul Baran) Monopoly Capital, and with Leo Huberman founded Mjesečni pregled in 1948. Harry Magdoff came on board in 1968 as coeditor of MR and together Sweezy and Magdoff wrote Reviews of the Month for MR, many of which were reprinted as pamphlets or collected into books.

Cameron spent ten years fishing, hunting, and writing books on the economy and globalization, and then started a publishing company (which Marzani later joined). Cameron also wrote the famous L. L. Bean Game and Fish Cook Book&mdashthe proceeds of which, he told me, enabled him to live a most comfortable life in old age and guaranteed his pleasure in a daily pre-lunch martini.

Singer went on to write three major works, The Road to Gdansk Is Socialism Doomed? and his last and defining book Whose Millennium? Theirs or Ours? He also was the European correspondent for the Nacija for some twenty years. Gore Vidal wrote of Singer that he was “one of the best, and certainly the sanest, interpreters of things European for American readers.”

When Marzani came out of jail he decided to forego his ambition of becoming a playwright and would instead spend the rest of his life defending and promoting democracy. In the dark days of Truman, McCarthy, Jenner, Dulles, Parnell Thomas, and Eastland, he thought of himself as being part of the “American resistance.” This book, Rekonstrukcija, is the fifth book of his extended memoirs, which are collectively titled, The Education of a Reluctant Radical. The preceding volumes, Roman Childhood, Growing Up American, Munich and Dying Empires, i From Pentagon to Penitentiary combine to describe not only his life but also his times&mdashwhat Eric Hobsbawm has called “the extraordinary and terrible world of the past century.” Marzani takes you through his own involvement in the Spanish Civil War and the Communist movement of the late 1930s and early &rsquo40s his work in the OSS during the war and on the staff of the U.S. State Department after the war his documentary filmmaking for the United Electrical, Radio & Machine Workers Union (UE) his indictment and trials all the way up to the Supreme Court his three years in jail and then his becoming a writer.

His first book was We Can Be Friends: Origins of the Cold War, followed by a semi-autobiographical novel, The Survivor, and a book on ecology, The Wounded Earth. Altogether, after coming out of prison, Marzani wrote eleven books, many pamphlets, essays in Monthly Review, the Nacija, i In These Times, and a biweekly Letter from America in Ethnos, a Greek newspaper. He also made five documentary films.

Some have written that Orwell was the man of the century, but I submit that Marzani was a better man. When he was indicted in January 1947 his father was dead and his mother, a religious Italian immigrant woman without much formal education, was living with Carl and his family. She was terrified that her son might be sent to prison and cried inconsolably. Carl, in an attempt to mollify her, said, “All right, if you&rsquore going to break down I&rsquoll fix it. I&rsquoll go to the government and make a bargain. I&rsquoll tell them about my Communist friends.” His mother turned to him and cried out, “Oh, no. You can&rsquot, you can&rsquot do that.” It was the sanction Marzani needed, and he accepted his punishment. In contrast Orwell, who has been described as a supremely honest man, an honorable man, did not hesitate to inform on his friends to British intelligence. Which is more honorable? To go to prison, or to be a stool pigeon?

Italo Calvino, the renowned Italian journalist, resistance fighter during the Second World War, and one of the most important Italian fiction writers of the twentieth century, has written that Marzani was “The only man truthfully and completely in love with the United States&hellip.a unique man&hellipof hard coherence. He has succeeded in thinking in such a completely American idiom because he succeeds in making operative the enormous difference between Americans and Europeans.”

Those fortunate enough to have known Carl will remember that he was a conversationalist par excellence and a great raconteur. True to form this book is full of anecdotes about his encounters with such luminaries as W. E. B. Du Bois, Shirley Graham, Che Guevara, Fidel, Nehru, Ghandi, Gerhardt Eisler, Arthur Garfield Hays, Howard Fast, General Donovan, Henry Wallace, Chief Justice Vinson, Justice William Douglas, John Ford and many others. When he was jailed, more than a thousand prominent Americans signed a petition for his release, including three Nobel Prize winners (Einstein, Shapley, and Thomas Mann), and professors from Harvard, Amherst, Columbia, Yale, and Stanford. Also many clergy, lawyers, and writers such as Norman Mailer, Louis Untermeyer, and Millen Brand, and theater folk including Garson Kanin signed the petition. Why did all these people petition for his release? Well, simply because an enormous injustice had taken place.

It is instructive to consider the circumstances leading up to the Marzani indictment. After the Second World War, Congress enacted the False Claim Statute, which extended the usual statute of limitations and was intended as a means of prosecuting those corporations and businesses which had overcharged and defrauded the government during the war.

Marzani had already resigned from the State Department and had made a documentary for the UE. The movie, Deadline for Action, described how the J. P. Morgan Group controlled General Electric, U.S. Steel, and AT&T, and how the crippling of trade unions in 1919 had opened the doors to the pro-business administrations of Presidents Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover, and ultimately to the Great Depression. Leo Huberman called it “the best labor film ever made.”

General Electric bought eleven prints of the film, and it was reported that someone in corporate America had approached the Treasury Department seeking retribution. Apparently one of the lawyers on the staff of the Treasury Department came up with the theory that Marzani could be indicted for defrauding the government during the war, when he received a sergeant&rsquos pay in the OSS, for making a false and fraudulent statement by failing to disclose that he had previously been a member of the Communist Party. As Carl writes in this book, “The OSS was fully aware of my political past, before I was hired. All my superiors knew.” This has been confirmed by Professor Edward S. Mason of Harvard University who was the OSS representative in the intelligence arm of the Joint Chiefs of Staffs. Mason was responsible to General Donovan, and he had to approve Carl&rsquos employment.

There were eleven counts in the indictment, nine of which were thrown out. The remaining two had to do with the exit interview which Marzani had with a State Department officer, at which no notes were taken. The officer alleged that in the interview Marzani had denied his membership in the Communist Party. Marzani was found guilty. The Appeals Court upheld the conviction (despite a vigorous defense by Arthur Garfield Hays), and the case wound up in the Supreme Court. The Court at the time consisted of Chief Justice Vinson, and Justices Frankfurter, Black, Murphy, Rutledge, Reed, Jackson, Burton, and William O. Douglas. The Court split four to four, with Justice Douglas abstaining. A few weeks later the Court agreed to a second hearing of the case (only the eighth time in the history of the Court that it agreed to a rehearing). Marzani felt encouraged and believed that Douglas had changed his mind and was prepared to vote. When the Court reconvened, Douglas gathered up his papers and left the bench. Once again the Court split four to four, and Marzani went to jail.

Why did Douglas, a well known liberal who almost always voted with Black, recuse himself? It is believed that Douglas was positioning himself to be a presidential candidate in 1948 and did not want to be accused of being “soft on communists.” Apparently the Court was no less political then, than it is now.

As I have said, all of our four stalwarts were my friends. They were all quite different, but they all shared the conviction that the world can be and must be made a better place. They arrived at this conviction through different routes: Sweezy from a thoroughgoing analysis of capital Cameron through literature and simple humanity Singer as a journalist and historian and Marzani through politics and the struggle for civil liberties. I saw them frequently and visited with all of them when they were near the end of their lives. Sweezy, at age 93, was very much at peace and did not speak much, content to let his record and that of MR as a whole speak for themselves, but when I asked him what he thought of a certain radical thinker he was as sharp and critical as ever. Cameron told me that the great disappointment of his life was that he did not live to see the establishment of socialism in the United States. In the last week of his life, Singer said to me and my wife Gladys that humanity has for the first time in history, the ability to destroy itself, and may very well do so. (This view is echoed by Sir Martin Rees, The British Astronomer Royal, in his recent book, Our Final Hour, where he warns that humankind is potentially the maker of its own demise, and in this century.) Singer went on to say that to prevent such destruction of humanity it was essential for the people of the world to change the world system, and that unless someone came up with something better, he opted for socialism. He repeated a phrase that is now well known, “It is either one world, or no world.”

Marzani and I were very close friends for over forty years. He neither regretted nor apologized for his membership in the Communist Party. Like so many in those years, he was radicalized, not so much by left-wing ideology, as by the reality of the Great Depression&mdashbecause capitalism could not address the needs of the people of the world and it was not interested in doing so.

He left the party because of the arbitrary way it functioned, but chose not to follow the path of others who became professional anticommunists. Instead he chose the path of becoming an outspoken advocate of civil liberties, democracy, and a defender of human rights. This book which covers the period 1949� includes his “Prison Notebooks” (180 pages) which detail much of his life and activities in jail, and the events leading up to his indictment. In the last year of his life, Carl was quite ill, and he wrote and dictated much of this book while in bed. His wife, Charlotte Pomerantz Marzani, has marvelously and lovingly edited his words and, with the assistance of Carl&rsquos son Tony, has published this concluding volume of Carl&rsquos memoirs.

This book describes how he became a documentary filmmaker for the UE and then became editor of that union&rsquos newspaper, the U.E. Steward. He tells how he went on to become a book publisher (for both Liberty Book Club and Prometheus Books) and published and distributed books by Ring Lardner Jr., John Wexley, Claude Bowers, C. Wright Mills, Curtis MacDougall, Richard Boyer, Herbert Morais, Fred Cook, Rex Tugwell, Isaac Deutscher, Dalton Trumbo, William Appleman Williams, Alexander Solzehenitsyn, and W. E. B. Du Bois. That is quite a list.

Marzani also translated books. In 1957 he translated and annotated a collection of writings by Antonio Gramsci. The publication of The Open Marxism of Antonio Gramsci introduced Gramsci to the English speaking world. Carl spoke across the country for progressive causes. In addition to all this, he used his carpentry and plumbing skills to build the houses in which he and his family (and friends) lived: on Fire Island, in New York City, New Paltz, and Guanica, Puerto Rico. He was truly a man for all seasons.

There is an old adage that the essential meaning of life is to try and figure out who you are before you die. Carl told me that the reason he started writing his memoirs was so that he could figure out why he always ended up on the left. This book, and the preceding four, provide the answer. The complete memoirs of a remarkable life are now available. Now, to answer the initial question: What did these four stalwarts of the left have in common? Well, I will tell you swiftly. What they had in common was a core which they all shared, and that core, the very essence of their being is the soul of socialism.


Famous Weddings

    Former Senate Majority Leader Mitchell (61) weds sports marketing executive Heather MacLachlan (35) at St. Bartholomew's Episcopal Church in New York City

Wedding of Kamata

Dec 17 Actress Heather Locklear (33) weds Bon Jovi lead guitarist Richie Sambora (35) at The American Cathedral in Paris, France

Wedding of Kamata

Dec 17 Queen of Pop Céline Dion (26) weds her manager Rene Angelil (52) at Notre Dame Basilica in Montreal, Canada

    Actor Jason Hervey (22) weds Kelley Patricia O'Neill (27) President Clinton's brother Roger Clinton (37) weds 8-mo pregnant Molly Nartin (25) Billionaire J. Paul Getty Jr marries Victoria Holdsworth in Barbados

Accuracy in Media

As a student, Obama Supreme Court nominee Elena Kagan was so interested in the socialist movement that she wrote a thesis about its history in New York City from 1900-1933. But the history of the Progressive Party, which ran FDR’s former vice president Henry Wallace as its presidential candidate in 1948, helps bring the subject up to date and explains the current direction of the Democratic Party.

The Progressive Party was controlled by the Communist Party but efforts to work through the democratic process did not die out with its election defeat in 1948. Communists and “progressives” then targeted the Democratic Party for a takeover from within.

A semi-official history, in the form of the book, Gideon’s Army, was written by Curtis MacDougall, a professor of journalism at Northwestern University who also wrote Interpretative Reporting, a standard text in journalism schools for more than 50 years. MacDougall, who wrote critically (even in his journalism textbook) about efforts to expose communist influence in the U.S. Government, was himself a Progressive Party activist and candidate.

Not surprisingly, MacDougall’s influence was felt not only on generations of journalists, but on his own son, A. Kent McDougall, who was acknowledged in the 1972 edition of Interpretative Reporting as then being with the New York office of the Wall Street Journal and lending “valuable assistance” in its preparation. Kent came out openly as a Marxist after working at the Journal, where he said he inserted positive stories about Marxist economists and “the left-wing journalist I.F. Stone.” Stone, it turned out, was a Soviet agent of influence.

MacDougall’s 319-page FBI file, released to this journalist, revealed that he had a close association with the Chicago Star, a newspaper controlled by the Communist Party, and many different CPUSA front organizations. But the Star connection deserves special comment. The executive editor of the Chicago Star was none other than Frank Marshall Davis, a Communist Party member who would later become President Barack Obama’s childhood mentor in Hawaii and was active in the Hawaii Democratic Party.

In 1948, notes historian David Pietrusza, Davis’s Chicago-based paper, the Chicago Star, wholeheartedly backed Henry Wallace. That summer, he adds, the Progressive Party “apparatus” converted the paper into the Illinois Standard, thus enabling Davis to relocate to Hawaii on the advice of fellow Progressive Party activist Paul Robeson. Robeson, it turned out, was a secret member of the Communist Party.

It is significant that MacDougall’s history of the Progressive Party, Gideon’s Army, was published by Italian-born American Communist Carl Marzani, who served a prison term for perjury in falsely denying, while employed by the State Department, that he was a Communist Party member. His publishing house, Marzani and Munsell, was subsidized by the Soviet KGB.

However, the history of the “progressive tradition” issued by the Center for American Progress (CAP) ignores all of this. It claims:

“With the rise of the contemporary progressive movement and the election of President Barack Obama in 2008, there is extensive public interest in better understanding the origins, values, and intellectual strands of progressivism.

“Who were the original progressive thinkers and activists? Where did their ideas come from and what motivated their beliefs and actions? What were their main goals for society and government?

“The new Progressive Tradition Series from the Center for American Progress traces the development of progressivism as a social and political tradition stretching from the late 19th century reform efforts to the current day.”

Unfortunately, this series ignores the role of the Progressive Party of 1948 and the Communist Party influence in it.

Knjiga, The Power of Progress, written by CAP President John Podesta (with John Halpin), is a bit more open and honest. It does mention the communist influence in the Progressive Party, noting the “perceived tolerance of communists within the 1948 Progressive Party” and quoting leading liberals such as Arthur Schlesinger as saying that “the political tolerance of an illiberal creed like communism, coupled with progressives’ earlier isolationism, could not hold during a time of ideological struggle with a spreading Soviet empire.”

But the use of the word “perceived” is interesting.

It is important to note that Podesta apparently does not regard communism as an “illiberal creed.” After all, Podesta strongly defended communist Van Jones, before and after he was fired by the White House.

Podesta’s book goes on to say that “The practical application of many of these fiercely anti-communist positions quickly became problematic for many progressives” because of the loyalty reviews ordered by President Truman and “the overt Red-baiting of Joe McCarthy and [FBI Director J. Edgar] Hoover…” The loyalty reviews were designed to make sure that government employees were loyal Americans and not sympathetic to communism.

Why the use of the term “fiercely” anti-communist? Can one be too strongly opposed to an ideology that has resulted in 100 million deaths?

Also notice how Democratic President Harry Truman has become a villain in the Podesta narrative, sharing equal billing with the “Red-baiting” Senator McCarthy and the FBI director. Such a formulation displays the ideological shift in the Democratic Party.

This is more evidence of how modern “progressives” have broken with the anti-communist liberal tradition.

The Van Jones Scandal

This attitude explains not only why Obama-friendly progressives associate openly with characters such as Van Jones but why the Obama Administration is virtually silent on the human rights violations and the pro-terrorist foreign policy of the Marxist Hugo Chavez regime in Venezuela..

Podesta notes in matter-of-fact language that “President Truman adopted a strong stance against communist expansion, first with the Truman Doctrine, which offered economic and military support to Greece and Turkey in repelling Soviet ambitions, and shortly thereafter with the Marshall Plan, which provided $13 billion to help rebuild the economies of Europe and prevent the rise of communism still in ruin from the war.”

But Podesta writes critically when he says that the “hard line of liberal thinking”—that, is, liberal anti-communism—took the form of “Vowing never to bend to communist aggression anywhere in the world” and President Johnson’s escalation of the war in Vietnam.

Podesta writes this as if he had been willing to consign Vietnam to the communist camp from the beginning. Not only that, but he writes that the liberal anti-communists “firmly rejected the belief that there could be any acceptance of domestic communism within the larger liberal project.”

This, then, is quite explicit and revealing. Judging by Podesta’s embrace of communist Van Jones, it is clear that he—and CAP—currently accept communists as being part of “the larger liberal project.”

This helps explain why a CAP history of the progressive tradition would ignore the lasting influence of Henry Wallace’s Progressive Party and how communists continue to work and operate in the “progressive” movement and even influence their hero, President Obama.

Far beyond mere tolerance, however, the communists ran Henry Wallace as the Progressive Party candidate for President in the1948 presidential election. A 1948 Communist Party election manifesto declared that “…in 1948 we Communists join with millions of other Americans to support the Progressive ticket to help win the peace. The Communist Party will enter its own candidates only in those districts where the people are offered no progressive alternatives to the twin parties of Wall Street.”

“In reality, many Communist Party operatives were in control of the Progressive Party. Before it was even formed the Communist Party merged two of its front organizations, the National Citizens Political Action Committee (NC-PAC) and the Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts and Sciences, to form the Progressive Citizens of America (PCA), which became the organizing tool for the Wallace campaign.”

Obama Supreme Court nominee Elena Kagan’s 1981 thesis at Princeton University was titled “To the Final Conflict: Socialism in New York City, 1900-1933.” However, she wrote that “In our own times, a coherent socialist movement is nowhere to be found in the United States.” This appears to be a comment on modern-day America, at least as it was in 1981.

Kagan’s verdict, of course, depends on how you define “socialist.” The modern socialist movement calls itself “progressive.”

Kagan’s thesis is well-researched and interesting, but only to a point. Professor Harvey Klehr told me:

“I scanned through Kagan’s undergraduate thesis. It is very well-written and well-organized, a very impressive piece of undergraduate writing. It is also pretty sound academically. She considers a variety of answers to the question that has perplexed lots of scholars like myself—and radicals—why no successful radical movement in America? Looking at the fate of the SP [Socialist Party] in NY is an interesting take on the problem and I thought her account was reasonably convincing. She seems to have used appropriate sources—although the footnotes were not attached to the version you sent, so I can’t tell exactly which ones she consulted. But it sounds as if she was pretty thorough.

“Although it is not pervasive, I sensed a lurking sympathy for the ‘left-wing’ of the SP, as representing a more militant and pure opposition to the depredations of the manufacturers and the inequities of the system. She acknowledges, however, the faults and flaws of both factions and makes clear that the Communists’ own disastrous policies helped destroy the radical movement in the ILGWU [International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union]. The conclusion bemoans the lack of unity that destroyed this radical movement and hints that that is one of the major factors in the failure of American radicalism. Not surprising coming from a 21-year-old college student.

“So, I would give her a pretty good grade for an impressive piece of scholarship for an undergrad. And, I don’t see anything here like a ‘red flag’ in regard to her present situation.”

Clearly, the “red flag” is not a 1981 college paper but why she is being pushed for a seat on the Supreme Court in 2010. The alleged “failure of American radicalism,” perhaps appropriate for a paper that covers 1900-1933 and written in 1981, is not so apparent these days.

Consider that, after his resignation from his White House job, Podesta declared that Van Jones “is an exceptional and inspired leader who has fought to bring economic and environmental justice to communities across our country.” When Jason Mattera staged an ambush interview and confronted Podesta about hiring Jones, Podesta replied, “Van Jones is trying to make this country a better place.”

If Podesta, who ran Obama’s transition team with Valerie Jarrett, is serious about these comments, then the “progressive” movement has become something that represents a sharp break with the liberal anti-communist tradition. It is no wonder that CAP doesn’t want the public to understand how communists once dominated the “progressive” movement and still manipulate it to this day.

Cliff Kincaid

Cliff Kincaid is the Director of the AIM Center for Investigative Journalism and can be contacted at [email protected] View the complete archives from Cliff Kincaid.

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