Kakav je karakter Sylva Sylvarum razlikovao od prethodnih djela?

Kakav je karakter Sylva Sylvarum razlikovao od prethodnih djela?



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Sylva Sylvarum (1627) je priznata kao prva 'rasprava o prirodnoj istoriji'. Neki ga smatraju najcjelovitijim djelom za svoje vrijeme.

No već 70. godine poslije Krista postojali su i drugi radovi, poput Plinijevog djela o prirodnoj povijesti.

Zašto je moderna F. Bacon bila tako orijentir? Je li uveo neki potpuno drugačiji način komuniciranja?


Interpretacija betonskog zida u uvali Smith's#8217s.

Epizoda počinje u Smith’s Coveu, gdje posada ispituje misteriozni betonski zid otkriven na kraju prethodne epizode. Nakon laganog iskopavanja svojom lopaticom, Laird Niven otkriva dvije gumene cijevi koje vire iz podnožja zida, ukazujući da su konstrukciju napravili tragači 19. ili 20. stoljeća.

Tog popodneva posada se okuplja u Ratnoj sobi. Nakon što je razgovarao o čudnom novom otkriću, Marty Lagina sugerira da su betonski zidovi možda puno stariji od gumenih cijevi, te da su prethodni tragači bušili kroz strukturu i umetali cijevi u nju nakon što su je otkrili. Razgovor se zatim okreće prema navozu, koji se nalazi uz betonski zid. Gary Drayton izražava svoje uvjerenje da staza predstavlja originalno djelo i da će ih odvesti do izvorne novčane jame.

Interpretacija navoza u uvali Smith's#8217s.

Kasnije, Rick Lagina i Dave Blankenship posjećuju dom Dana Blankenshipa. Tamo obavještavaju starijeg lovca na blago o novom otkriću i pitaju ga ima li pojma šta bi to moglo biti. Dan objašnjava da je zid morao biti izgrađen prije 1950. godine, jer Robert Restall nikada nije izgradio ništa slično tokom svog lova na blago 1960 -ih. On dalje sugerira da imaju drvo iz susjednog karbonskog navoja, s datumom, jer je vjerojatno da je onaj ko je sagradio navoz izgradio ili napravio novi o betonskom zidu.

Zatim se posada sastaje u Money Pit -u, gdje Irving Equipment Ltd. radi na H8. Izvođači radova koriste oscilator za podizanje kesona H8 nekoliko stopa prije nego što iskopaju materijal koji se pomaknuo na dno čekićem. Prvo opterećenje čekićem, koje dolazi s dubine od 168 stopa, daje fragmente starog drveta, za koje Craig Tester sugerira da je dio Chappell trezora.

Nakon površnog pregleda, plijen H8 polaže se na stol za pranje i ručno pregledavaju Jack Begley i Charles Barkhouse. Nakon što je pronašao još nekoliko komada drveta, Jack Begley otkriva pregršt, kako se čini, pocrnjelih fragmenata pergamenta. Kasnije otkriva osjetljivi bijeli komad materijala koji podsjeća na papir.

Kasnije tog dana, Craig Tester i Jack Begley sastaju se s Dougom Crowellom i Paulom Troutmanom u Istraživačkom centru Oak Island. Tamo pod digitalnim mikroskopom ispituju novi materijal otkriven u plijenu H8. Čini se da je jedan od crnih ostataka koža. Drugi komad materijala, koji bi trebao biti pergament, ima oznake žutom i crvenom bojom ili tintom. Doug Crowell sugerira da boja može biti stilizirana inicijala ili kapica, osvijetljenog rukopisa. Članovi posade slažu se da bi stručnjak trebao analizirati obojene pigmente ili boje.

Kasnije se posada Oak Islanda sastaje s Randallom Sullivanom u području Money Pit. Braća Lagina i Sullivan odlaze do Ratne sobe, gdje pisac lovcima na blago predstavlja prve primjerke svoje nove knjige Prokletstvo Hrastovog ostrva: Priča o najdužem potragu za blagom na svijetu. Sullivan izražava uvjerenje da je njegova knjiga “najautoritativnija i najzabavnija historija Oak Islanda”. Tvrdi da ga je njegovo istraživanje navelo da vjeruje da je popularna legenda o otkriću Money Pit -a tačna, te da je pristrasan prema teoriji da je Francis Bacon čovjek koji stoji iza misterije Oak Island. Zatim pronalazi odlomak iz knjige prirodne povijesti Francis Bacon Sylva Sylvarum koji čitatelju daje uputu da “iskopa jamu na obali mora”, počevši od oznake visoke vode, do točke ispod razine mora.


Jamesgray2

Prije nekoliko godina, početkom 1990 -ih#8217 -ih, ugledni bibliotekar me pitao “Da li čekate dok ne dobijete pet slanine ’s, a zatim odštampate katalog? ” i sam sam pomislio … Nemojte li# drugi?

Ali zaista sam znao da ima nečega u tome, pa sam kao odgovor napravio kratak katalog slanine#8217!

Dok pišem svoju novu seriju kataloga Fascicule VII, mislim da bih trebao uključiti malo slanine? Naravno da je odgovor zašto ne bih#8217t? Pa, u stvari ja imam#kataloge bez naslova Bacon, ali u većini General, Varia, Novi dolasci ili Spisak polica uvijek je bilo slanine ili dvije, i to s dobrim razlogom. Više od bilo kojeg drugog engleskog pisca djela Francis Bacon's#8217s utjelovljuju duh rane moderne Engleske:

694G Bacon, Francis. 1561-1626

Eseji ili savjeti, ciuill and moralll, Francisa Loa. Verulam, vikont St. Alban

London: Štampao Iohn Hauiland, a prodaje R. Allot, 1629

$3,500
Quarto, 7 X 6 inča. Ovo je prvo izdanje koje sadrži “Od boja dobrog i euill ” ima odjeljak naslovne stranice registar je kontinuiran. Neke kopije su možda izdate bez toga, ali sadašnja kopija to ima. A- 2V 2X (a) 2Y-3C. Vezano u originalnom mlitavom velumu (bez veza) nedavno presavijeno i pomalo zgužvano, ali vrlo velika, čista i nesofisticirana kopija ranog kvarto izdanja

„[Beconovi] eseji, plodovi njegovih političkih i društvenih zapažanja, prvi put su objavljeni 1597., uvećani 1612., a zatim ponovo 1625. Ovo izdanje iz 1629. sadrži svih 58 eseja.
“Od Baconovih književnih djela, za razliku od njegovih filozofskih i profesionalnih djela, daleko najpopularniji i najvažniji su eseji [oni] su najoriginalniji od svih Baconovih djela, onih za koje se čini da ih je detaljno najpotpunije smislio za sebe, osim knjiga i zbirki općih mjesta. Ovo izdanje zaista obiluje citatima i ilustracijama, ali oni su sugerirani njegovom osobom i ne upućuju na to. Iako eseji imaju isti naslov kao i veća zbirka Montaignea, dva djela nemaju mnogo zajedničkog, osim rijetke moći uzbudljivog interesa i nepogrešivog genijalnog obilježja koji je na njih oboje impresioniran. ” (DNB) pokušaj reformiranja intelektualnih navika europskog uma započeo je objavljivanjem "Napredovanja učenja" 1605. godine, koje je napalo neprofitabilnu skolastiku koja je kočila rast znanja i mentalne predrasude koje su pomogle ljudima u neznanju. Iznad svega, žalio je zbog lošeg i zbunjenog znanja o operacijama prirodnog svijeta. Novum Organum, započet oko 1608., objavljen 1620., pozvao je na sistematsko proučavanje prirodnog svijeta i uzroka stvari, te predložio induktivnu metodu kao najpouzdaniji instrument istraživanja. Bacon je razradio principe

eksperimentalna metoda u ovoj knjizi, a razvila ih je u De Augmentisu, 1623. Sylva Sylvarum, prijedlog od 1.000 eksperimenata koje je potrebno poduzeti, objavljena je posthumno 1627. godine, zajedno s Novom Atlantidom, utopijskim fragmentom napisanim oko 1617. godine. fakultet za naučna istraživanja. Kratka knjiga koja je za života uživala veliku popularnost bila je De Sapientia Veterum, 1609. (prevedena kao Mudrost starih, 1619.), koja je pokušala pokazati da su mitovi Grka kodirani izvještaji o njihovom poznavanju fizičkog svijeta. ” (Citirano iz Sedamnaestog stoljeća, Graham Perry, stranice 264-265.)

STC 1149 Gibson 15 Pforzheimer 31.

179F Bacon, Francis. 1561-1626

Dvije knjige s. Francisa Bacona, o znanju i napretku učenja, Božansko i Hvmane. Kralju.

Oxford: štampa I.L. Štampač Univerziteta, za Thomasa Hugginsa, 1633 1750 USD

Quarto, 6,75 x 4,8 inča. Treće izdanje. A-Z4, Aa-Tt4.

Ova kopija je uvezana u ovce devetnaestog stoljeća.
„Bacon […] je počeo raditi na svojoj filozofiji, onoj shemi za obrazovanje muškaraca koja mu je toliko dugo bila na umu. Planirajući sada ozbiljno i svoje planove objavljujući na papiru, Bacon je ovu prvu knjigu nazvao Napredak učenja. […] Bacon je napisao preliminarnu kratku izjavu, […] 'Tumačenje prirode, ili kraljevstvo čovjeka.' Za Becona je priroda bila čovjekovo pravo kraljevstvo, koje su vjernici zanemarivali stoljećima kraljevstva na nebu, ili od učenjaka koji su prezirali svijet o njima i dokazima njihovih osjetila. Ipak, da bi stekli ovo novo kraljevstvo prirode, ljudi moraju nacrtati svježe karte istraživanja. "Oni koji teže da ne nagađaju i božanstveno", napisao je Bacon, "već da otkriju i spoznaju#koji predlažu da ispitaju i raščlane prirodu samog svijeta, sami idu k činjenicama." (Citirano iz Francis Bacon The Man of Man, Catherine Drinker Bowen, stranica 105)

STC 1166, F, HN, HD, ILL, PML, +. Gibson 83

213F Bacon, Francis. 1561-1626

O napretku i znanju učenja ili podjela nauka ix Bookes koji je na latinskom napisao Najistaknutiji slavni i slavni lord Francis Bacon Baron iz Verulam Vicont St Alban savjetnik za nekretnine i lord kancelar Engleske. Tumači Gilbert Wats.

Oxford: Štampao Leon: Lichfield, štampač na Univerzitetu, za Roba: Young -a i Ed: Forrest, 1640. [kolofon iz 1640.] 2.800 dolara

Mali list, 260 x 175 mm. Prvo cjelovito izdanje ovog djela na engleskom jeziku. ¶4, ¶¶2, ¶¶¶1, A2, B-C4, aa-gg4, hh2, † 4, † † 2, † 1, A-Z4, Aa-Zz4, Aaa-Qqq4, Rrr2. kompletan.

„Čak i naslovna stranica (ugravirana naslovna stranica pronađena u ovoj kopiji), sada postaje jasno, najavljuje ovu brojku, jer tamošnji Herkulovi stupovi predstavljaju i hram svijeta kroz koji prolazi brod apokaliptičkog istraživanja, baš kao prolazi se kroz dvostruke stubove pre Solomonovog hrama. Tako, raspravljajući o motu Velike instalacije, plus ultra, i Danijelovom proročanstvu u Napretku učenja, Bacon kaže: 'Jer može se zaista potvrditi čast ovih vremena, i u vrlom oponašanju sa antikom, da je ova velika zgrada svet nikada nije napravio svetla u njemu, sve do doba nas i naših očeva. ”Graver Thomas Cecill [koji je ugravirao sliku za izdanje 1620. godine. Ovdje je graver W. Marshall, nakon što je Cecill] ovu veliku zgradu vidjela kao Solomonov hram. " (citirano prema Francis Bacon and Modernity, Charles Whitney, stranica 33) Ugravirani portret Bacona uvezan je prije naslova. Datum je 1626. Ova kopija ima uobičajenu manju hrđu, papir je prilično oštar i čist, s originalnim otiskom još uvijek vidljivim. Ovo je lijepa kopija, vrlo važne knjige. Uvez je pun tele iz sedamnaestog veka. Sa inicijalima F. L zlato utisnuto oko pozlaćenog centralnog ukrasa

„Partitiones Scientiarum, pregled nauka, ili onih koje su tada postojale, ili onih koje je potrebno iznova izgraditi - u stvari,

popis svih dobara ljudskog uma. Čuvena klasifikacija na kojoj se nastavlja ovo istraživanje temelji se na analizi sposobnosti i objekata ljudskog znanja. Ovu podjelu predstavlja De Augmentis Scientiarum [Napredak učenja]. ”

„Baconov veliki motiv u pokušaju da ponovo osnuje nauku bilo je snažno uvjerenje da mu znanje koje čovjek posjeduje nije bilo od velike koristi. „Znanje o svijetu koje sada posjeduje, posebno priroda, ne proteže se do veličine i izvjesnosti djela.“ Čovjekov suverenitet nad prirodom, koji se temelji samo na znanju, izgubljen je i umjesto slobodnog odnosa između stvari i ljudskom umu, nije bilo ničega osim ispraznih predodžbi i slijepih eksperimenata. … Filozofija nije nauka o božanskim i ljudskim stvarima, to nije traženje istine. „Otkrivam da su čak i oni koji su za sebe tražili znanje, a ne za korist ili razmetanje, ili bilo kakvo praktično osposobljavanje tokom svog života, ipak sebi predložili pogrešan znak, naime, zadovoljstvo (koje ljudi nazivaju Istinom) i ne operacija. '' Postoji li takva sreća da se čovjekov um uzdigne iznad zbrke stvari, gdje može imati perspektivu poretka prirode i ljudske greške? No, je li ovo samo pogled na oduševljenje, a ne na otkriće? zadovoljstva, a ne koristi? Zar neće tako dobro raspoznati bogatstvo skladišta prirode kao ljepotu njene trgovine? Je li istina ikad jalova? Zar on neće moći time proizvesti vrijedne učinke i obdariti život čovjeka beskonačnim robama? “Filozofija je u potpunosti praktična, za sreću čovječanstva nije važno koje apstraktne pojmove možemo imati o prirodi i principima stvari. Ova istina, međutim, nikada još nije priznata, još se nije vidjelo da je pravi cilj cijele znanosti „obdariti stanje i život čovjeka novim moćima ili djelima“ ili „proširiti šire granice moć i veličina čovjeka. '”(citirano prema Encyclopedia Britannica, jedanaesto izdanje, tom 3, stranica 145.)

464F Bacon, Francis. 1561-1626

Sylva Sylvarum, Ili, Prirodna istorija, za deset vekova. Napisao časni Francis Francis Lo. Verulam, vikont svetog Albana. Objavljeno nakon smrti autora, William Rawley, doktor u divinitiji, jedan od njegovih kapelana. Ovde je sada dodata abecedna tabela glavnih stvari sadržanih u deset vekova.

London: Štampao John Haviland za Williama Leeja, a prodati će ga Iohn Williams, 1635 3.200 USD

Folio, 7 x 10,4 inča. Četvrto izdanje. π2, A-Z6, Aa-Bb6, Cc4, a-g4 (g4 je prazno). U ovom tomu prisutna je ugravirana naslovna stranica i portret Bacona iz 1631. i 1631. godine. Ova kopija je uvezana u originalni pun tele. Vezuje čvrsto i čvrsto. Dobra čista kopija ranog izdanja.

„Nova metoda [Baconov veliki plan, Instauratio Magna] je bezvrijedna, jer se ne može primijeniti, osim ako se ne opskrbi materijalima propisno prikupljenim i prezentiranim - u stvari, osim ako se ne formira kompetentna prirodna historija fenomena univerzuma. Kratka uvodna skica rekvizita takve prirodne istorije, koja je, prema Baconu, bitna, neophodna, osnova totius negotii, data je u traktatu Parasceve, dodanom Novum Organumu. Glavna djela koja namjeravaju oblikovati dijelove povijesti, a koja su objavila sama ili su ostavljena u rukopisu, su historia Ventorum, Historia Vitae et Mortis, Historia Densi et Rari i opsežna zbirka činjenica i zapažanja pod naslovom Sylva Sylvarum [… ]

„Priroda se tako predstavila Baconovom umu kao ogroman niz fenomena, manifestacija nekih jednostavnih i primitivnih kvaliteta, koje nam je skrivala složenost samih stvari. Svijet je bio ogroman labirint, među čijim namotima nam je potreban neki trag ili nit pomoću koje možemo pratiti svoj put do znanja, a odatle do moći. Ova nit, filum labyrinthi, nova je metoda indukcije. No, kako je često naglašeno, nova metoda se nije mogla primijeniti sve dok se činjenice ne sagledaju i ne prikupe. Ovo je neophodna preliminarna priprema. "Čovjek, sluga i tumač prirode, može učiniti i razumjeti toliko mnogo, a samo onoliko koliko je zapravo posmatrao ili razmišljao o toku prirode izvan toga niti zna niti može učiniti bilo šta." naše poznavanje prirode nužno započinje promatranjem i iskustvom, zajedničko je Baconu i mnogim suvremenim reformatorima znanosti, ali on mu je stavio poseban naglasak i dao mu novo značenje. Ono što je doista mislio pod opservacijom je kompetentna prirodna istorija ili zbirka činjenica. "Čvrsti temelji čistije prirodne filozofije postavljeni su u prirodnoj istoriji." "Prije svega moramo pripremiti prirodnu i eksperimentalnu historiju, dovoljnu i dobru, a to je temelj svega." (EB)

Ova je knjiga "temelj svega", koja se sastoji od svih Baconovih empirijskih eksperimenata, zajedno s njegovom utopijskom basnom, Nova Atlantida. STC 1172 Gibson #174.

693G Bacon, Francis. 1561-1626

Povijest vladavine kralja Henrika Sedmi. Napisao Right Hon: Francis Lo: Verulam, vikont S. Alban. Čemu je sada dodana vrlo sveobuhvatna i potrebna tablica.

London: Tisak I.H. i R.Y. i prodavat će ih Philemon Stephens i Christopher Meredith, Na Signe of the Golden Lyon u Pauls-Church-dvoru, 1629. $ 1,100

Folio, 11 1/3 x 7 1/2 inča. Treće izdanje. Ponovno izdanje, sa otkazanom naslovnom stranicom, izdanja iz 1628. godine. [A2], B-Z4, Aa-Ll4, Kk5. Naslovna stranica je odštampana unutar velike i zgodne ivice duboreza.

Ova kopija nema portret Henryja.

„Od povijesnih djela, osim nekoliko fragmenata projicirane povijesti Britanije, ostaje i Povijest Henrika VII., Vrijedno djelo, koje daje jasnu i animiranu priču o vladavini, i karakterizira Henryja s velikom vještinom. Stil je u skladu sa materijom, snažan i tečan, ali prirodno s manje neobičnosti i bogatstva prikladnog za promišljenije i originalnije spise. ” (Enciklopedija Britannica, jedanaesto izdanje, zapis o Baconu.) Beconova "Historija", koja se praktično može smatrati najranijom engleskom istorijskom monografijom, zapravo je nastala 1621. godine, vjerovatno nakon što se Bacon, nakon izlaska iz Tower -a, vratio u Gorhambury. […] Uglavnom, utemeljen je na Bernardu Andréu i Polydoreu Vergilu, s Fabyanom i kasnijim kroničarima, te sa nekoliko dodataka koje je dao Stow, a posebno Speed, čije je neke greške kopirao Bacon .
“ Ipak, ovaj Život nikako nije bio samo kompilacija, bilo u dizajnu ili izvedbi. Koncepcija lika Henrika VII potječe iz ranog razdoblja Beconove karijere, što dokazuje fragment istorije Tjudorove vladavine od Henrika VIII do Elizabete, koju je otkrio Spedding, što također izgleda da opovrgava Mackintoshovu ideju da je “napisano je, ne samo (kao što je, u izvjesnom smislu, svakako bilo) kako bi opravdalo Jakova I, već mu je i laskalo predstavljajući Henrika VII kao uzornog kralja i prototip vladajućeg monarha. […] “Stil ovog djela posjeduje neku vrstu šarma koji nedostaje u nekoliko Beconovih spisa, koji uvijek fasciniraju dubokim vodama, a završna rečenica djela je izuzetno graciozna. Autorska naklonost prema latinskim oblicima (“militar, ” “indubirati, ” i tako dalje vrlo je očigledna da se čini da je prijevod njegove knjige na latinski načinio on sam ili na njegovo oko. ” (Cambridge History of English Literature. Vol. VII Ch. 9.)


1. Uvod

Proučavanje povrća jedna je od glavnih tema u Baconovoj knjizi Sylva sylvarum. Ne samo u kvantitativnom smislu, jer biljke zauzimaju oko trećinu cijele knjige, već su i vjekovi na biljkama među najstrukturiranijima, što otkriva Baconovo posebno zanimanje za tu temu. Ključ za razumijevanje Baconovog interesa može se pronaći u oba njegova Sylva sylvarum i Historia vitae et mortis, gdje Bacon objašnjava kako se rezultati proučavanja određenih procesa u biljkama mogu kasnije prenijeti i primijeniti na životinje i ljude. U kontekstu svoje rasprave o hranjivoj hrani i pićima, Bacon se bavi pitanjem kako se hrana asimilira u tijelu. Jedan od načina na koji se proces asimilacije usporava je kada dijelovi tijela više ne mogu brzo i snažno unositi hranu. To dovodi do propadanja. Parafrazirajući Aristotela, Bacon objašnjava zašto biljke žive duže od životinja: jer neprestano rastu novo lišće i grane. Nove grane imaju veću snagu za crpljenje hrane, koja, usput, hrani i starije dijelove biljke, produžujući im život. Bacon -ov cilj kada raspravlja o biljkama je prenijeti svoja zapažanja na životinjsko područje. No, s obzirom na to da je životinjama nemoguće uzgojiti bilo što analogno novim granama, moraju se osloniti na drugačiju metodu, naime obnovu onoga što se lako popravlja, a kroz to i revitalizaciju onoga što nije:

Prenesite stoga ovo zapažanje na pomoć u ishrani živih bića: najplemenitija i glavna upotreba toga, za produženje života, obnavljanje određenog stupnja mladosti i integriranje dijelova, zasigurno je da u dijelovima živih bića postoje dijelovi koji lako hranite i popravljajte, a dijelove koji jedva hrane i popravljaju i morate osvježiti i obnoviti one koje je lako hraniti, kako bi se drugi mogao osvježiti i (kao da je) popiti u hrani u odlomku. (Djela Francisa Bacona, ed. Spedding, Ellis i Heath, II, str. 364. U daljem tekstu SEH)

Ova vrsta prijenosa znanja s jedne klase bića na drugu vrlo se često nalazi u Baconovom prirodnom povijesnom djelu. Na primjer, Historia vitae et mortis počinje proučavanjem neživih tijela, a zatim prenosi to znanje na ljudsko tijelo (Oxford Francis Bacon XII, str. 151. U daljem tekstu OFB.). Na isti način, u biljkama se istražuju procesi poput rasta i gore spomenute ishrane i asimilacije Sylva i Historia vitae et mortis s ciljem prenošenja na životinje, a najvažnije na ljude kako bi se izliječile bolesti, očuvalo zdravlje i produžio život. Da navedemo još jedan primjer, smišljene alimente vode, prema Baconu, do očuvanja zdravlja i produženja života. Bacon -ov argument u prilog ovoj teoriji jasna je analogija između cijepljenja, procesa kojim se jedna biljka hrani na već skuhanom soku druge biljke (pa stoga kalem ne troši vrijeme na obradu hrane i samo je asimilira), i hranljive na juhama i čorbama, koje se mogu odmah asimilirati jer su već skuhane. 1 Ono što je još važnije, veliki dio stoljeća na biljkama iz Sylva proučava procese i tvari koje mogu proizvesti ovu privlačnost hrane, te proces cijepljenja i asimilacije, s eksperimentima i receptima koji se mogu pronaći i u Historia vitae et mortis ili s referencama na recepte koji se nalaze u drugim dijelovima u Sylva.

Ova mogućnost prenošenja znanja s jednog područja istraživanja na drugo značajno je obilježje Baconove prirodne filozofije i karakterizira njegovo poimanje prirodne magije, vrhunske operativne znanosti. Budući da se oslanja na znanje o prirodi zasnovano na teoriji materije (ono što Bacon naziva "metafizikom", poznavanjem oblika), prirodna magija može mijenjati objekte tehnikama koje nisu otkrivene istraživanjem samih objekata. Ova karakteristika temelji se na Baconovoj pretpostavci da su osnovni apetiti i kretanja materije identični za sva sastavljena tijela. 2

Sastavljajući svoje pokuse s biljkama za Sylva, Bacon je uveliko posuđivao od Della Porte Magia naturalis i ugradio eksperimentalne izvještaje potonjeg u svoj vlastiti sistem istraživanja prirode. Cilj ovog rada je pokazati kako Bacon gradi nauku o prirodnoj magiji na posuđenicama iz Della Porte, čiji eksperimenti ostaju, prema Baconovim vlastitim definicijama, na razini mehanike, inferiorna operativna nauka u usporedbi s magijom. Tvrdim da je za razliku od Delle Porte, koja se brinula o transformaciji pojedinih biljaka i proizvodnji "zanimljivosti", Baconov cilj bio otkrivanje tajnih procesa materije, s konačnim ciljem da se te informacije iskoriste za produženje ljudskog života. 3 Način na koji Bacon gradi magijsku nauku koristeći izvještaje Della Porte može se razumjeti samo detaljnom analizom njegovih promjena u talijanskim eksperimentalnim izvještajima. Izbor instanci, posebne promjene u posuđenim opisima slučajeva (generalizacije, dodaci uzročnih objašnjenja i metodološka kritika) i preuređivanje odjeljaka predstavljaju argumente u korist ove teze. Osim ove usporedbe, koja otkriva karakteristike Baconove metode bavljenja izvorima, ovaj će rad također pružiti brojne slučajeve prethodno neidentificiranih pozajmica iz Magia naturalis.

Raspravljalo se o Beconovom odnosu s tradicijom renesansne magije. Paolo Rossi smatra da su magija i alkemija imale "mali ili nikakav utjecaj na Bacona" (Rossi 1987, str. 21) i da je njegova znanost reakcija na renesansnu magiju (Rossi 1987, str. 11). Ovu viziju osporila je Sophie Weeks, koja je tvrdila da Baconova magija nije reakcija protiv, već pročišćenje od prevare i maštanja (Weeks 2007, str. 22). Štoviše, raspravljajući o Baconovoj nauci o magiji, Weeks je to također tvrdio Sylva je njegova primjena, ali bez daljeg razvoja teme. Nedeljni argumenti zasnivaju se na činjenici koju je predstavio sam Bekon Sylva kao prirodna magija 4 i o prisutnosti procesa kao što su „verzija“, „konverzija“, „savršena mješavina“ ili „sazrijevanje“ (sedmice 2007, str. 29 n70). Iako se slažem s njenom općom tvrdnjom Sylva izlaže Baconovu nauku o magiji, mogu se dati bolji argumenti u prilog ovoj tvrdnji, budući da se operacije koje spominju Weeks mogu izvesti i na nivou mehanike, a ne predstavljaju specifičnost magije.

U nastavku ću ponuditi argumente koji pokazuju zašto su eksperimenti posuđeni iz Magia naturalis pokazuju karakteristike slanine pripisane prirodnoj magiji, dok su Della Porta ostale na inferiornom nivou. Drugi dio ću započeti pokazujući zašto je upotreba izvora toliko važna u Baconovoj koncepciji izgradnje prirodne povijesti i zašto je knjiga o biljkama Della Porta bila glavni izvor za Baconova vlastita stoljeća na istu temu. U trećem odjeljku dat ću potpuni prikaz promjena kojima su podvrgnuti eksperimenti Della Porte. Sve ove promjene, kao što su generalizacije teme, dodavanje uzročnih objašnjenja, metodološke kritike, odabir eksperimenata, preuređivanje odjeljaka i eksperimenata po različitim temama, dovode do zaključka da su Della Porta i Bacon imali različite interese eksperimentirajući s biljkama, te da je Bacon koristio knjigu Della Porta za unaprjeđenje znanja o prirodi. O ovom aspektu će se opširnije raspravljati u posljednjem odjeljku ovog rada, gdje ću predstaviti Baconovo poimanje teorije materije, metafizike i magije, te objasniti zašto ove promjene zahtijevaju eksperimente s biljkama u Sylva, posuđeno od Magia naturalis, do nivoa prirodne magije.


Francis Bacon: Sažetak eseja i velikih djela

Ove bilješke su dali članovi zajednice GradeSaver. Zahvalni smo na njihovom doprinosu i potičemo vas da sami napravite.

Napisale Lasya Karthik, Bala Murugan, Claudia Santos, Nilanjana Roy

Mnogi radovi Francisa Bacona temeljili su se na učenju: urođene greške uma ometaju ga, kako mi kao ljudi griješimo u učenju i učinkoviti načini prikupljanja znanja. Svi njegovi radovi bili su povezani s kritikom, napretkom i poboljšanjem znanja i učenja u ovom ili onom obliku. Ovaj odjeljak će obuhvatiti glavne prijedloge koji se nalaze u Baconovim djelima, naime idole uma, poremećaje učenja, klasifikaciju znanja i bakonovsku indukciju.

Idoli uma

Bacon je vjerovao da, budući da je čovjek, um ima neke urođene greške, koje se moraju ispraviti ako se želimo upustiti u bilo koju vrstu istinskog i smislenog učenja. Riječ idol koristi se kao izvedena iz klasičnog grčkog izraza "eidolon" što znači fantom ili slika, baš kao što je Bacon vjerovao da će idoli uma stvoriti lažne ili fantomske slike svijeta i prirode. Četiri su idola uma:

1. Idoli plemena: "Pleme" koje se ovdje spominje je pleme koje obuhvata cijelo čovječanstvo. Kao ljudska bića, mi smo rođeni sa urođenim greškama u umu. Ove urođene greške pripadaju plemenu, jer nam dolaze rođenjem i uobičajene su za sve ljude, ne moraju se steći izlaganjem danom skupu iskustava. Ovi idoli uključuju senzorne nedostatke, sklonost donošenju preuranjenih odluka, uključivanje u razmišljanje o željama i preispitivanje pojava, stvarajući više komplikacija i reda nego što stvarno postoji.

2. Pećinski idoli: Ovaj skup idola nije uobičajen za „pleme“, već je specifičan za svakog pojedinca i „pećinu“ u kojoj žive, što je njihov um. Ovisno o jedinstvenom iskustvu svake osobe, odnosima prema svijetu i prema drugima te o izloženosti određenim disciplinama, oni razvijaju te idole koji su zbir njihovih životnih iskustava. Ovi idoli uključuju tendenciju sagledavanja stvari s obzirom na disciplinu u kojoj smo se školovali, i koriste ovo usko razumijevanje svijeta da sve pojave svedu na njihovu percepciju. Na primjer: filozof će vidjeti sve fenomene prirode kao upitne i pokušat će pronaći svrhu.

3. Idoli tržnice: Tržište se odnosi na komunikaciju između muškaraca ili kako je Bacon rekao „međusobno povezivanje muškaraca“. Alati koji doprinose postojanju ovih idola su riječi i jezik. Ili dodjeljujemo apstraktne pojmove ili dajemo ime stvarima koje postoje samo u našim umovima. To dovodi do pogrešnog i neodređenog razumijevanja. Ironično, riječi su stvorene kako bi se ljudi mogli izraziti, ali ova nevolja nas u tome sprječava.

4. Idoli kazališta: Ovo je opet skup idola, koje učimo kroz našu kulturu, praksu koju su ljudi stekli socijalizacijom i kulturnom izloženošću. Odnosi se na teatralnost i sofistiku u znanju, ali umjesto istinskog znanja, to su samo imitacije. Stoga se uvodi metafora kazališta. Bacon optužuje filozofe da se bave upravo tim skupom idola.

Poremećaji učenja:

Bacon je izvorno identificirao tri smetnje učenja kao "taštine". Distempere su jednostavno metode i oblici učenja za koje je Bacon vjerovao da su nedjelotvorni i da nisu doveli do stvarnog napretka. Identificirana su tri glavna stanja:

1. Fantastično učenje (ili uzaludna mašta): Fantastično učenje su jednostavno vjerovanja, ideje i argumenti bez jake osnove u praktičnoj i naučnoj stvarnosti. Kao čovjek koji čvrsto vjeruje u naučne principe promatranja i eksperimentiranja, Bacon nije vjerovao u ono što je nazvao "pseudo naukama". This kind of learning may be found amongst magicians and astrologers in Bacon’s time and amongst religious leaders and fundamentalists today.

2. Contentious learning (or vain altercations): Contentious learning refers to excessive contestation amongst those deeply entrenched in a particular academic discipline, including arduous arguments about the most minute, inconsequential details, which ultimately lead to no fruitful gain. Bacon lashed out at classical philosophers such as Aristotle for engaging in such learning which ultimately benefits no one.

3. Delicate learning (or vain affectations): Bacon named this particular learning as “delicate” because in his opinion, it lacked true academic rigor. The rigor was missing because those engaging in this type of learning merely focused on form and not content, or “style over substance”. Such emphasis leads to beautifully worded prose, which lacks any kind of depth. No new discoveries or recoveries of knowledge are made, and therefore, such learning is delicate and not true and rigorous. Bacon believed that engaging in these three kinds of learning would lead to two main ill effects, namely “prodigal ingenuity” (waste of talent and mental resources) and “sterile results” (no fruitful outcome beneficial to the wider world).

Induction, as per its definition, is the inference of general from specific instances. Classically, philosophers had a method wherein they would jump to general conclusions after examining only a few specific instances, and then work backwards for a thorough verification processes. Taking an example of clothes. If we conclude that “all clothes bought from stores are clean and without holes” we are immediately skipping over the process of identifying each store, and concluding and confirming that clothes from Forever 21 and H&M and Primark are all clean and without holes. Instead, we just jump to the conclusion. If we set out to verify this fact, and we find one garment in a particular shop that is dirty and has a hole in it, our entire theory and research up to that point become nullified.

Bacon’s approach to induction was rather different. He believed in going from very specific to general, over a rigorous period of research to confirm a hypothesis. Instead of directly drawing a conclusion, a researcher following Bacon’s method would first visit all the shops available, survey the garments and ensure they are clean and without holes, and only then proceed to make a general conclusion like “all clothes bought from stores are clean and without holes.” Bacon’s approach, according to him, is foolproof. This is because it enables the researcher to build “a stable edifice of knowledge”. If one shirt at a particular store does not match the condition, then the survey work done before does not go to waste. Instead, the researcher merely concludes that only store X and Y sell clean and hole free clothing. Therefore, knowledge is stable.

However, there were criticisms to this method, with contemporary thinkers questioning just how much research is needed before making a general conclusion. Moreover, such an approach completely ignores the role of imagination and theorizing a hypothesis. Many great discoveries in history were made by those who imagined a particular idea and proceeded to test it, and not vice versa. Either way, Bacon provides a unique picture of rigorous academic research and induction.

Classification of Knowledge

Not only did Bacon have strong ideas about how knowledge should be collected, he also held strong ideas about how existing knowledge must be classified for optimum benefit to human learning. In his expanded version of the Advancement of Learning (De Dignitate), he proposed a threefold classification of knowledge: History, Poesy (poetry) and Philosophy. These three disciplines represent memory, imagination and reason respectively. He believed that these three disciplines would lead to true advancement, and that the importance of philosophy must be greatly elevated in order for academics to truly progress. As a scientific thinker, he denounced and greatly looked down upon the humanist subjects, namely literature and history. To him, history was a mere collection of facts and poesy was an expressive device it was philosophy that had to take center stage.

Bacon's essay "Of Studies" shows his abilities of persuasion. He creates a metaphor between literature and medicine, stating that as medicine can cure the problems of the body, literature can heal the defects of the mind. The essay has a clear structure, and it groups elements in groups of three. Indeed, Bacon exposes his opinion, but with structure and a formal philosophical language make it appear as the truth in order to convince the audience of what he is saying. Studying different genres helps to cure different defects of the mind.

Other Works:

However, Bacon did publish a great number of works that were not, at the surface level, of a philosophical nature. Some of his historical and biographical works include the History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh and a subsequent volume about Henry the Eighth. These were a product of Bacon’s prolonged involvement in British political life as a statesman. He also authored “A Natural History in Ten Centuries” or “Sylva Sylvarum”. This was a work divided into ten parts (each roughly designed to represent one century) and each part was divided into an impressive one hundred subparts. In this work, Bacon covered anything and everything that caught his attention, from bodily processes to geographical phenomena by chronicling experiments and observations as well as penning down his own personal thoughts on this varied range of subjects. His science fiction novel, “The New Atlantis” was published only after his death. It tells the story of a group of researchers in Salomon’s House (a research institution) who conduct experiments and attempt to gather knowledge.

These academic endeavors are seen to culminate in inventions which are both useful and practical for society, and will ultimately be shared with the world. While it is not a “literary work” in the truest sense of the term, it provides a valuable insight into Bacon’s vision for what true academia must aim to accomplish. Bacon did not end up publishing a “Magnum Opus” work, but his work Magna Instauratio or the Great Instauration was in progress, and parts of it were published after his death. He decided back in 1592 that he would devote himself to the field of learning, and restructuring and even “rehabilitating” it. The Magna Instauratio was visualized by Bacon to be an all-encompassing work, consisting of his views on learning to logic to science. Bacon’s wide body of work was created in an astonishingly short period of time, reflecting his genius. His contributions to learning and classification of knowledge, and his dedication to the same is highly commendable.

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An intellectual journey for the discovery of new worlds

Re-reading the New Atlantis, one aspect in particular caught my attention in the beginning of the story. I noticed that the sailors’ attitude is very similar to the one described by the Spanish conquistadores, as it appears, for instance, in Bernal Diaz del Castillo’s story of Conquering the Aztec Empire. In the case of the New Atlantis and the arrival of the Spanish sailors, the Bensalemites take up the role of the natives, with only one difference. While both the natives and the Bensalemites are offering gifts to the respective ‘visitors’, the natives’ gift to the Spaniards is gold, the Bensalemites’ gift is the method of science. Before describing Salomon’s House, the Father says: “I will give thee the greatest jewel I have. For I will impart unto thee, for the love of God and men, the relation of the true state of Salomon’s House.”

Upon noticing this parallel, a new reading of the text occurred to me. A reading according to which Bacon sees himself as the equivalent of Columbus in the field of science: while the conquistadores were returning from the Great Atlantis with material jewels, Bacon’s sailors were returning with a more precious one: the method.

What is so special about the Island of Bensalem? We don’t know much about it, in fact. Bacon describes three main episodes: the revelation, the Feast of the Family, and the description of the House of Salomon. The first can be seen as a necessity in Bacon’s time, given the power of the Church. The second is a puzzling ceremony celebrating fecundity, and the last is an inventory of the discoveries, richness, and the scientific offices. Scholars have engaged in long discussions, and showed that the Feast of the Family as well as Salomon’s House are reflections of Bacon’s method in general (Garber 2010), of the Instances from the Novum Organum or of some experiments from his natural histories (Colclough 2010). If this is so, then Salomon’s House instantiates Bacon’s laboratory, maybe the ideal one, since Bacon didn’t own mountains and caves, and all the metals and precious stones. However, it has also been suggested that some of the machines he describes were already existing at James I’s court (Colie 1955). Why do we have to travel to the New Atlantis then? My suggestion is that Bacon’s travel is an intellectual one: Bensalem is the place where his philosophical method is put into practice.

In several parts of his works, Bacon talks about the discovery of Americas as the emblem of leaving behind the world of the ancients with the aim of pursing knowledge. Philosophers should follow Columbus, Bacon says, who crossed the Pillars of Hercules and ventured into the great ocean, finding the lost island of Atlantis. In other words, they should leave behind the philosophy of the Scholastics and discover new things through a careful investigation of nature. Accordingly, the frontispiece of the Instauratio Magna, Bacon’s project for the reformation of knowledge, depicts ships crossing the Pillars of Hercules. The frontispiece of the edition including the New Atlantis depicts the Pillars again, but this time instead of the ocean and the ships, we see a globe on which it is written “Mundus intellectualis. ” For this travel to the intellectual world we only need the right method.

The New Atlantis ends with the suggestion that the sailors should go back to their homeland and describe what they have seen and heard. Correspondingly, Bacon himself is the messenger of the new philosophy, in spite of the fear of not being believed. But then, of course, hundreds of years later one can claim that he will be believed by all those who founded societies and academies in the early modern period.

I would like to finish with one question: the text mentions thirteen other travellers who returned from Bensalem to Europe, but probably their stories were not believed. Following my interpretation, these would be Bacon’s predecessors, who had founded the right method, but no one believed them, and their philosophies did not have the desired consequences. Who are these thirteen? Let’s try to find out together.

Colclough, David. 2010. “‘The Materialls for the Building’: Reuniting Francis Bacon’s Sylva Sylvarum i New Atlantis” Intellectual History Review 20/12, pp. 181-200.

Colie, Rosalie, L. 1995. “Cornelis Drebbel and Salomon de Caus: Two Jacobean Models for Salomon’s House,” Huntington Library Quarterly 18/3, pp. 245-260.

Díaz del Castillo, Bernal. 1943. Historia verdadera de la conquista de Nueva España. Mexico City: Nuevo Mundo.

Garber, Dan. 2010. “Bacon, the New Atlantis, and the Uses of Utopia,” Studii de Stiinta si Cultura 23/4, pp. 37-45.


4. Experimental Series and Patterns of Inquisition in Sylva Sylvarum: An Example

In order to further inquire into the heuristic of Bacon’s natural historical recordings, it is worth having a look at a more particular example of experimental series. In this section I propose to investigate a particular experimental series recorded in the Sylva Sylvarum, under the name “Experiments in consort touching the version and transmutation of air into water.” The series consist of seven experiments, apparently very diverse. 8 The first is a transcription of a Plinian recipe for obtaining fresh water at sea from wool hung around the sides of the ship at night. The second also begins with “it is reported by the ancients” and transcribes a report of the “version of air into water” in sealed caves. 9 The third records instances of sympathy: fresh wool or cloves can “drink” water from a bowl even if they lie at a certain distance from the water. The fourth is an extension of the same inquiry, showing that sympathetic effects work even if the wool is placed on a closed wooden vessel (SEH vol. II, p. 373). The fifth and the sixth are clearly directions for further experimentation: they extend the discussion to other substances and phenomena, such as the “sweating” of stones and the swelling of wooden doors in cold weather etc. They contain theoretical distinctions and suggest causal explanations. The sixth experiment of the series contains a provisional general rule, i.e., that air always becomes “moist” and “thickened” against a hard body (SEH vol. II, p. 373). The last experiment of the series is also a “direction”: it suggests that one can extend a well-known recipe for turning water into ice (by adding niter or salt) into a recipe for turning air into water (SEH vol. II, p. 374).

The seven experiments have a similar structure: each begins with a report, continues with a test, and further develops the report either into an experiment properly speaking or into a direction for further experimenting. Here is how the first experiment goes:

It is reported by some of the ancients, that sailors have used, every night, to hang fleeces of wool on the sides of their ships, the wool towards the water and that they have crushed fresh water out of them in the morning, for their use.

And thus much we have tried, that a quantity of wool tied loose together, being let down into a deep well, and hanging in the middle, some three fathom from the water for a night in the winter time, increased in weight (as I now remember) to a fifth part.

A woollen fleece lying on the ground for a long while gains weight, which could not happen unless something pneumatic had condensed into something with weight. (OFB XIII, p. 141)

By hanging four ounces of wool to a rope which I let down into a well to a depth of 28 fathoms, yet which still failed by six fathoms to touch the water, I found that in the course of one night the weight of the wool increased to five ounces and one dram and that evident drops of water clung to the outside of the wool, so that one could as it were wash or moisten one’s hands. Now I tried this time and time again and, although the weight varied, it always increased mildly. (OFB XIII, p. 141)

There are other experiments in the series with a very similar structure and a similar abridged recording. For example, the second experiment begins with a report on air turning into water in sealed, cold caves. In order to test and study further this ancient report, Bacon proposes a “laboratory model” of the described situation. The instrument used is the same inflated bladder I have already discussed in the previous section. Suggestions are again formulated under the form of “directions:”

Try therefore a small bladder hung in snow, and the like in nitre, and the like in quicksilver and if you find the bladders fallen or shrunk, you may be sure the air is condensed by cold of these bodies as it would be in a cave under the earth. (SEH vol. II, p. 373)

In this way, each experiment in the series can function as a pattern of experimental research in a given experimental situation. And the way Bacon achieves this is by developing sub-series of “directions” and “advice” directing further research.

The question remaining is: what is the relation between the seven experiments of the initial series? In the next section I aim to show how they can be seen as being generated one from another, with the help of what Bacon calls the “modes” of literate experience.


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1 It is worth noting, as others have, that Bacon did so not only in his writings, but that he spoke in favor of policies to encourage scientific-technological innovation while in Parliament and throughout his public life ( Farrington , Benjamin , Francis Bacon: Philosopher of Industrial Science [ New York : Schuman , 1949 ], 48 Google Scholar ). Jardine , Lisa and Stewart , Alan cite the same speech, but with a view to a separate point in Hostage to Fortune: The Troubled Life of Francis Bacon 1561–1628 ( New York : Hill and Wang , 1999 ), 256 –57Google Scholar . See also the general remarks of Rahe , Paul in Republics Ancient and Modern: New Modes and Orders in Early Modern Thought ( Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press , 1994 ), 116 Google Scholar .

2 Aristotle Politika 1267b23–1269a26 cf. 1330b31–1331a6. Consider also Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica I-II q. 97 a. 2 and the discussion of Archimedes in Plutarch's “Life of Marcellus.” Of course, this is not to claim that the full transformative potential of the institutionalization of a technological science was known in advance. I am aware that there are some prominent and powerful arguments suggesting that modern technology has roots that precede Bacon, but I believe that on the matter of the political encouragement of technological innovation, pre-Baconian thought is virtually univocal. Be this as it may, reconsidering Bacon's arguments provides an occasion for reflection on the fundamental problem.

3 The clearest statement to this effect is found in his rendition and interpretation of the fable of Daedalus in De Sapientia Veterum. For a forceful statement of the importance of this writing and a helpful interpretation see Studer , Heidi , “ Francis Bacon on the Political Dangers of Scientific Progress ,” Canadian Journal of Political Science 31 , no. 2 ( 1998 ): 219 –34CrossRefGoogle Scholar . Consider also the essay “Of Innovations” and Novum Organum, I. 129.

4 Compare the essay “Of Honour and Reputation” and Nov. Org., I. 129. This tension is discussed further below.

5 Peltonen , Markku , “ Politics and Science: Francis Bacon and the True Greatness of States ,” The Historical Journal 35 , no. 2 ( 1992 ): 279 – 305 CrossRefGoogle Scholar “Bacon's Political Philosophy,” in The Cambridge Companion to Bacon, ed. Markku Peltonen (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 283–310.

6 Napredak učenja, II. viii. 5. Citations to Napredak are to book, chapter, and paragraph, following the W. A. Wright edition of 1869 (Oxford: Clarendon), and the Kitchin and Weinberger edition of 2001 (Philadelphia: Paul Dry).

7 While in most of Bacon's works there is no doubt but that he is the speaker, Bacon is also a great writer of prefaces and dedicatory epistles. In these he virtually always speaks of himself, and gives some indication, if only elliptically, of what the aim of the work in question is. Examples worth considering in this regard include the prefatory material to Instauratio magna, the epistle introducing The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh, that introducing An Advertisement Touching a Holy War, those introducing De Sapientia Veterum, and finally, those introducing the two books of Napredak učenja. For an indication that Bacon gives some thought both to the content and the addressee of these epistles, that which introduces The Essays should be consulted. Bacon's silence in New Atlantis thus stands out all the more. This cannot be explained simply by the posthumous publication of the work, for the evidence is clear that Bacon intended the work to appear as it does, and An Advertisement Touching a Holy War, also posthumous, is introduced by a substantial dedicatory epistle. The status of Rawley's note to the reader is discussed below.

8 “From a strictly literary viewpoint, New Atlantis resembles a narrated Platonic dialogue” ( Yaffe , Martin , Shylock and the Jewish Question [ Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press , 1997 ], 97 Google Scholar ). Compare, by way of contrast, More's role in Utopija. In his otherwise intelligent essay, David Spitz treats the narrator as Bacon (“Bacon's New Atlantis: A Reinterpretation,” Midwest Journal of Political Science 4, br. 1 [1960]: 52–61). Interpreters occasionally identify Bacon with the pity-faced Father of Salomon's House. Manuel , Frank and Manuel , Fritzie speak of the scientist as “Bacon's idealized self-image” ( Utopian Thought in the Western World [ Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press , 1979 ], 254 )Google Scholar .

9 Again, compare More's “authorship” of Utopija. If only in jest, More goes to much greater lengths than does Bacon in protesting the truth of what he reports. Perhaps this is some indication of a difference in the status that the description of Utopia has for More as compared to Bacon's relation to Bensalem.

10 This occurs in the course of the discussion of the Bensalemite institution of “Adam and Eve's pools,” which bears a certain similarity to an institution encountered by Hythloday in Utopia. As is typical, the Morean precedent is invoked only to be importantly modified.

11 See the Oxford English Dictionary entries for “utopia” and “utopian,” and the introduction to Manuel and Manuel's Utopian Thought. The question of when “utopia” becomes a genre is controversial. Diskin Clay and Andrea Purvis offer what is perhaps the standard view that More's Utopija was the origin of the genre (Four Island Utopias [Newburyport: Focus, 1999], 1). Paul Salzman suggests that New Atlantis plays a key role in originating the genre (“Narrative Contexts for Bacon's New Atlantis, ”U Francis Bacon's “New Atlantis”: New Interdisciplinary Essays, ed. Bronwen Price [New York: Manchester University Press, 2002], 30). Machiavelli's reference to the “many” “imaginary commonwealths” suggests that something like a genre is well established before either of these works. Pogledajte ispod.

12 Bacon, The Essayes or Counsels, Civill and Morall, ed. Michael Kiernan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 126.

13 Napredak učenja, II. xxiii. 49. Of course, little light is not no light. Consider in this connection the methodological advice from Napredak, II. xxiii. 44. Prior to the discovery of the compass, one navigated by the stars more about this below. Michèle Le Doeuff would have us notice how this remark is quietly altered in De Augmentis (VIII. 3), and suggests that this is an indication that Bacon's view on this matter of utopias underwent a change (“Introduction” to La Nouvelle Atlantide, trans. Michèle Le Doeuff and Margaret Llasera [Paris: Flammarion, 2000], 21). I am less impressed by the alteration than is Le Doeuff, though I am open to her suggestion that New Atlantis is on Bacon's mind while he is reworking Napredak (according to Spedding, after 1620, and probably sometime in 1622: Spedding, Ellis, and Heath, The Works of Francis Bacon [Boston: Brown and Taggard, 1861], 1:415).

15 Princ, trans. and ed. Harvey Mansfield (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), chap. 15.

16 Quoting Rawley's note to the reader. We discuss that note further below.

17 Farrington is famous for regarding Bacon's entire corpus as a “blueprint for a new world” (Francis Bacon, 76), though he doesn't mention the paradox in question. Works that do include it are White , Howard , Peace Among the Willows ( The Hague : Martinus Nijhoff , 1968 ), 133 –34CrossRefGoogle Scholar Kennington , Richard , “Bacon's Humanitarian Revision of Machiavelli,” in On Modern Origins: Essays in Early Modern Philosophy , ed. Kraus , Pamela and Hunt , Frank ( Lanham, MD : Lexington , 2004 ), 57 – 77 Google Scholar Faulkner , Robert , Francis Bacon and the Project of Progress ( Lanham, MD : Rowman and Littlefield , 1993 )Google Scholar , chap. 3 and 239ff. Timothy Paterson, “The Politics of Baconian Science” (PhD dissertation, Yale, 1982), 86–87. Relying on different passages, Marina Leslie calls attention to the same paradox (Renaissance Utopias and the Problem of History [Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998], 81ff.).

18 Faulkner, Project of Progress, 238 Sessions , William , Francis Bacon Revisited ( New York : Twayne , 1996 ), 163 Google Scholar .

19 The edition including Sylva Sylvarum i New Atlantis was reprinted more often in the seventeenth century than any other edition of Bacon's works. Bronwen Price includes this observation as part of a very clear and sensible treatment of the influence of New Atlantis in her “Introduction” to New Interdisciplinary Essays (especially pages 14–19). Brian Vickers includes a succinct statement on the influence of New Atlantis in his collection of Bacon's , writings, Francis Bacon: A Critical Edition of the Major Works ( Oxford : Oxford University Press , 1996 ), 788 –89Google Scholar . Rose-Mary Sargent concludes her essay “Bacon as an Advocate for Cooperative Scientific Research,” in The Cambridge Companion to Bacon, ed. Peltonen, 146–171, with some remarks on the legacy of Salomon's House. The introduction to Lynch's , William Solomon's Child: Method in the Early Royal Society of London ( Stanford : Stanford University Press , 2001 )Google Scholar is helpful not only for its remarkable collection of secondary material but also on the general question of Bacon's influence. Sprat's , Thomas History of the Royal Society ( 1667 )Google Scholar , which includes Abraham Cowley's prefatory poem likening Bacon to Moses leading the way to the promised land, and which divides all philosophy into pre- and post-Baconian periods, is among the important primary sources for Bacon's influence on English science. While now frequently criticized, the classic work on Bacon's influence on the seventeenth century is Jones's , Richard Foster Ancients and Moderns: A Study of the Rise of the Scientific Movement in Seventeenth-century England ( Berkeley : University of California Press , 1965 )Google Scholar , which includes many references to New Atlantis in connection with the founding of the Royal Society. Antonio Pérez-Ramos's “Bacon's Legacy,” in The Cambridge Companion, 311–334, provides something of a glimpse of the ostensibly more nuanced current scholarly view. Lynch's , William T. recent “A Society of Baconians?: The Collective Development of Bacon's Method in the Royal Society of London,” in Francis Bacon and the Refiguring of Early Modern Thought , ed. Solomon , Julie Robin and Martin , Catherine Ginnelli ( Burlington : Ashgate , 2005 )Google Scholar , offers a reply. Caton's , Hiram The Politics of Progress: The Origins and Development of the Commercial Republic, 1600–1835 ( Gainesville, FL : University of Florida Press , 1988 )Google Scholar and Paul Rahe's Republics Ancient and Modern include sustained arguments for the historical significance of Bacon's writings both for modern science and modern politics.

20 White (Peace Among the Willows, 105) treats each of these features of Bensalem simply as a device to encourage its implementation, but to do so is to say that such details both matter and yet don't matter.

21 II. i. 1. The discussion of poesy is found at II. iv. 1–5. See also Faulkner, Project of Progress, 236–37.

22 Within quotations, all underlining will be mine, all italics Bacon's.

23 In De Augmentis (II.13), Bacon incorporates the general discussion of the uses of poetry sketched above into his account of narrative poetry.

24 “And even now, if someone wishes to pour new light about anything into the minds of humans, and not incommodiously or harshly, the same way must be insisted upon, and refuge must be taken in the help of likenesses” (De Sapientia Veterum, Preface). Usp. Nov. Org., I. 77.


Counsel and Statesman

Fortunately for Bacon, in 1581, he landed a job as a member for Cornwall in the House of Commons. Bacon was also able to return to Gray&aposs Inn and complete his education. By 1582, he was appointed the position of outer barrister. Bacon&aposs political career took a big leap forward in 1584 when he composed A Letter of Advice to Queen Elizabeth, his very first political memorandum.

Bacon held his place in Parliament for nearly four decades, from 1584 to 1617, during which time he was extremely active in politics, law and the royal court. In 1603, three years before he married heiress Alice Barnham, Bacon was knighted upon James I&aposs ascension to the British throne. He continued to work his way swiftly up the legal and political ranks, achieving solicitor general in 1607 and attorney general six years later. In 1616, his career peaked when he was invited to join the Privy Council. Just a year later, he reached the same position of his father, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. In 1618, Bacon surpassed his father&aposs achievements when he was promoted to the lofty title of Lord Chancellor, one of the highest political offices in England. In 1621, Bacon became Viscount St. Albans.

In 1621, the same year that Bacon became Viscount St. Albans, he was accused of accepting bribes and impeached by Parliament for corruption. Some sources claim that Bacon was set up by his enemies in Parliament and the court faction, and was used as a scapegoat to protect the Duke of Buckingham from public hostility. Bacon was tried and found guilty after he confessed. He was fined a hefty 40,000 pounds and sentenced to the Tower of London, but, fortunately, his sentence was reduced and his fine was lifted. After four days of imprisonment, Bacon was released, at the cost of his reputation and his long- standing place in Parliament the scandal put a serious strain on 60-year-old Bacon&aposs health.


Napomene

1 See G. Rees, “An Unpublished Manuscript by Francis Bacon: Sylva Sylvarum drafts and other working notes,” Annals of Science, 38 (1981), pp. 377-412 G. Rees, Introduction, in OFB, XII and XIII. D. Jalobeanu, “From natural history to early modern science: the case of Bacon’s Histories,” in Analele Universitatii Bucuresti, 60/2010, pp. 23-33 D. Jalobeanu, “The Philosophy of Francis Bacon’s Natural History: a Research Program,” Studii de ştiinţă şi cultură, 2010, pp. 18-37.

2 “For once a faithful and abundant history of nature and the arts has been collected and arranged, and once it has been unfolded and placed as it were before men’s eyes, there will be no mean hope that those great intellects of whom I have sppoken (such as flourished in the ancient philosophers, and are even now not unusual), who till now have built with such efficiency as far as the work goes certain philosophical skiffs of ingenious construction from a plank or shell (i.e. from slight and paltry experience) will, once the right timber and material have been obtained, raise much more solid constructions, and that too although they prefer to follow the old ways and not the way of my Organum (which seems to me to be either the only or the best way). And so it comes down to this, that my Organum even if it were finished, would not carry forward the Instauration of the Sciences much without Natural History, whereas Natural History without the Organum would advance it not a little,” OFB, XII, p. 13.

3 Parasceve, OFB, XI, p. 451. See also OFB, XII, pp. 13-15.

6 Examples can be found in Parasceve, in the preface to Historia naturalis et experimentalis (1622), but also in the Latin natural histories properly speaking. D. Jalobeanu, “The philosophy of Francis Bacon’s Natural History: A Research Progam” in Studii de stiinta si cultura, 4/2010, pp. 18-37

7 OFB, XII, p. 12 is referring to natural histories as the “timber and material” (Sylva et Materia). Rawley’s preface to Sylva Sylvarum refers to this and other natural histories as being ‘materials for the building.’ D. Jalobeanu, “Francis Bacon’s Natural History and the Senecan Natural Histories of Early Modern Europe,” in Early Science and Medicine, 1-2/2012, pp. 197-229.

8 Parasceve, appended at the end of NE, 1620, but also Norma Historiae praesentis published in the Historia naturalis et experimentalis, 1622.

9 D. Jalobeanu, “The fascination of Solomon’s House in seveteententh-century England,” in Vlad Alexandrescu, Branching-off. The Early Moderns in Quest for the Unity of Knowledge, Zeta Books, 2009, pp. 225-256.

10 M. Le Doeuff, “Bacon chez les grands au siècle de Louis XIII” in M. Fattori ed., Francis Bacon: terminologia et fortuna nell XVII secolo, Rome, Edizioni dell Atento, 1984, pp. 155-178.

11 Lettres de Peiresc aux frères Dupuy edited by P. Tamizey de Laroque, Paris, 1840, pp. 17, 31-32, 35, 142, 198, 231-232

12 28 December 1623, “le premier volume de l’Instauratio magna de Verulamius que nous attendrons en grande impatience” in Lettres de Peiresc aux frères Dupuy, op. cit., str. 17.

13 W. Boswell was the English ambassador in The Hague and a part of Bacon’s manuscripts went to Holland with him. Some of them eventually got in the hands of I. Gruter and were published in 1658.

14 For the complete story see P. Fortin de la Hoguette, Lettres au frères Dupuy et à leur entourage (1623-1662), edited by G. Feretti, Firenze, 1999. See also Lettres de Peiresc, I, p. 35.

15 16 May 1627, “Cet autre livre de pauvre Bacon de divers meslanges en anglois, seroit encores bon a recouvrer par cez libraries anglois, parce qu’il s’en peult tousjours faire traduire quelque piece,” 11 November 1627, “J’ai admire d’entendre que le chancellier d’Angleterre se soit amuse a faire des romans. Je crois que c’est l’air de ce pais la qui porte quasi generalement un chascun a la romanserie. Mais je verrois volontiers ceux la, ne doubtant pas que la gentilezze de cet esprit n’y paroisse. Il faudroit induire le traducteur de son Henri VII de traduire encore cela en françois…” , in Lettres de Peiresc aux frères Dupuy, op. cit., pp. 231-232.

16 See Lettres de Peiresc aux frères Dupuy, op. cit., pp. 319-320, p. 527.

17 Ibid., pp. 692-693: “J’ai decouvré par hazard d’un gentillhome qui venoit de Rome une petite piece du chancellier Bacon de son projet pour un ouvrage de Vita, ou il a encore quelque conception qui n’est pas a rejecter. Je vous envoye coppie et bien qu’incorrecte vous ne laisrez pas, je m’asseure, de la voir volontiers.”

18 G. Ferreti, Un ‘soldat philosophe:’ Philippe Fortin the la Hoguette (1585-1668?), EGIG, Genoa, 1988, P. Fortin de la Hoguette, Lettres au frères Dupuy et à leur entourage (1623-1662), op. cit. See also G. Rees, “La Hoguette’s Manuscripts,” in “Introduction: Contexts and Composition,” OFB, XIII.

19 “Si vous pouvez achever la traduction du Sylva Sylvarum a l’aide de votre anglais et la donner au public, je crois que vous feriez une chose fort agreable a beaucoup de monde. Pour moi, je vous dirai que je n’estime pas tant en Bacon la curiosité de ses experiences comme les consequences qu’il en tire, et la methode avec laquelle il s’en sert. C’est pourquoy (encore que ses observations soiend fort ordinaires) je pense que ce seroit une chose fort agreable a beaucoup de monde de cognoistre ses procedés,” CM, I, pp. 611-612. As Buccolini has shown, there is a lot of interesting background to this often quoted letter. Mersenne visits Rouen on May 1625 and enters the circle of savants centered around R. Cornier, seigneur de Sainte Helene a group of people interested in experimental philosophy. The subsequent Mersenne-Cornier correspondence mentions a numerous number of Baconian experiments performed at Rouen: concerning the nature and transmission of sounds and light, the relation between light and heat, experiments of gravity and others—partially taken from NE, later (in the second part of 1626) taken from Sylva. See C. Buccolini, “Mersenne traduttore di Bacon,” in M. Fattori, Linguagio e filosofia nel seicento europeu, L. Olschki, 2000.

20 C. Buccolini, “Mersenne traduttore di Bacon,” op. cit., str. 7 sq.

21 Mersenne to Sorbière, 1647, CM, XV, p. 468.

22 He seemed to be especially interested in the observations of parhelia made in Rome by the Jesuit Scheiner (see the letter from 3 May 1632, CM, II, p. 297, 10 May 1632, CM, II, p. 305). In the letter from 10 May 1632 he is asking about recent observations concerning comets.

24 “Illud insuper praecipimus, ut omnia in Naturalibus tam Corporibus quam Virtutibus (quantum fieri potest) numerate, appensa, dimensa, determinate proponantur. Opera enim mediatamur, non Speculationes. Physica autem & Mathematica bene commistae, generant Practicam. Quamobrem exactae Restitutiones & Distantiae Planetarum, in Historia Coelestium…,” OFB, XI, p. 464.

25 G. Rees has shown that they were present in the manuscript he discovered in British Library. See G. Rees, “An Unpublished Manuscript by Francis Bacon: Sylva Sylvarum Drafts and Other Working Notes,” in Annals of Science, 38, 1981, pp. 377-412.

26 P. Amboise, Histoire naturelle, “Privilege du Roy,” n.p.

27 M. Le Doeuff emphasized that the fact that one could not find out anything about P. Amboise does not necessarily mean he was in the mid-seventeenth century an unknown or a mysterious person. The book is, however, certainly mysterious, as I shall argue further. See M. Le Doeuff, “Bacon chez les grands au siècle de Louis XIII,” op. cit.

28 “… pour avoir trouve trop de confusion en disposition de matières, que semblent avoir este disposées en plusieurs endroits plustot par caprice que par raison. Outre qu’ayant este aide de la pluspart des manuscrits de l’Auteur, j’ay juge nécessaire d’y ajouter ou diminuer beaucoup de choses qui avoient este obmises ou augmentées par l’Aumosnier de Monsieur Bacon, qui apres la mort de son Maistre fit imprimer confusement tous les papiers qu’il trouva dans son cabinet.”

29 P. Amboise, Histoire naturelle, “Privilege du Roy,” op. cit., pp. 21-22.

30 “Monsieur Bacon estoit si amoureux des sciences naturelles, qu’il avoit envie de faire bastir pres de Londres un College destiné particulierement à cette sorte d’estude : mais prevoyant bien que cet ouvrage estant du nombre des grands desseins qui demeurent souvent dans le simple project, ne pouroit pas estre si tost achevé, il a voulu au moins nous en laisser le modele. Pour cet effect il s’est servy de la fiction d’un voyage en la terre Australe, où il depeint estre abordé dans une Isle parfaitement bien policee, dans laquelle (entre autres establissemens) il rencontra un College semblable à celuy qu’il avoit dessein de fonder. Je laisse au Lecteur son jugement libre sur cette piece, & me contenteray seulement de dire que cet ouvrage me semble estre à peu pres de mesme nature que la Republique de Platon, ou L’Utopie de Thomas More &semblables autres reglemens dont les hommes ne sont pas capables & qui ne se peuvent faire que sur du papier. Nous devons neantmoins regretter que ce soit une fable, & que non pas une verité car je doute point qu’on ne tirast une grande utilite d’un pareil establissment,” P. Amboise, Histoire naturelle, “Privilege du Roy,” op. cit., pp. 417-418.

31 See the letters of Gruter to Rawley—showing a plan to incorporate material from Amboise’s translation into the latin edition of Sylva Sylvarum. The translation is quoted by T.T in An account of all the Lord Bacon’s Works. In the context of introducing Sylva: “This Book was written by his Lordship in the English Tongue, and translated by an obscure interpreter into French, and out of that translation, into Latine, by James Gruter, in such an ill manner, that they darkened his Lordship sence, and debased his Expression. James Gruter was sensible of his miscarriage, being kindly advertised of it by dr. Rawley: And he left behind him divers amendments, published by his brother I. Gruter, in a second edition (Amstel, 1661). Yet still so many Errors have escaped, that the Work requireth a Third Hand” (Baconiana, or Certaine Genuine Remains of Sir Francis Bacon…, London, 1679).

32 Gruter’s letter, May, 1652: “The Design of him who translated into the French the Natural History of the Lord Bacon […] Je nakratko izloženo u Predgovoru moga brata […] To izdanje mog brata, o kojem pišete, da ste ga čitali s velikim zadovoljstvom, uskoro će biti izloženo s njegovim Izmjenama, zajedno s nekim dodacima poput argumenta koji treba zamijeniti umjesto Nova Atlantida, koje će ovde biti izostavljeno. Ovi dodaci bit će isti s onima u verziji spomenutog Francuza, stavljeni na latinski jer nismo uspjeli pronaći engleske originale s kojih ih on prevodi osim ako vi, kad vidite knjigu, nećete osuditi te dodatke kao lažne ” (Baconiana, ili Certaine pravi ostaci Sir Francis Bacon, op. cit., str. 224-226).

33 Kao što je na primjer u poglavlju 4 knjiga III: „Le quatrieme & amp le dernier moyen est l’Assimilation de l’aliment, dont je n’entretiendray point icy le Lecteur, ayant traitte cet matiere assez au long dans mon Histoire de la vie & amp de la mort”(Amboise, Histoire naturelle, "Privilege du Roy," op. cit., str. 157).

34 P. Amboise, Histoire naturelle, "Privilege du Roy," op. cit., str. 281-282.

35 Evo kako odlomci izgledaju relativno: „Kraj naše fondacije je znanje o uzrocima i tajna kretanja stvari i proširenje granica Ljudskog carstva na efektivno od svih mogućih stvari.”„ La fin & amp le but de notre institucija est de travailler a la connoissance des uzroci & amp des tajne de la prirode. Comme aussi d’essayer a enstendre la puissance de l’homme a toutes les choses dont elle est able ”(str. 540).

36 "Quant aux status & amp regles de nostre Societe, la premiere loy & amp la plus importante est celle qui commandnde de garder la silence & amp de ne reveler les secrets de la Compagnie," str. 564.

37 Vrijedi napomenuti da je u prijevodu ponavljanje riječi tajna, tajnost ili različita upućivanja na otkrivanje tajni prirode češće nego u engleskoj verziji.

38 Izgleda da je izvor Aristotel De Mirab. 53 (ali odgovarajući odlomak kaže da su posude i kosti okamenjene, te se ne spominje odgovarajuća promjena koja se dogodila vodi).

39 Aksiomi sazrijevanja, u eksperimentu 326 i narednim eksperimentima iz IV stoljeća.

40 Podrijetlo opažanja koje je Bacon zabilježio u eksperimentu 387 je Aristotel, Prob. XII, 1 i 2. Paragraf glasi ovako: „Mirisi i drugi mirisi slatkiši su u zraku na određenoj udaljenosti, nego u blizini nosa, što je do sada djelomično dodirnuto. Uzrok je dvostruk: prvo, finija smjesa ili inkorporacija mirisa: jer vidimo da su i u zvukovima najslađi kada ne možemo čuti svaki dio sami. Drugi razlog je taj što su svi slatki mirisi udružili neke zemljane ili grube mirise i na određenoj udaljenosti se opaža slatko, što je duhovnije, a zemljano dopire tek tako daleko.”

41 P. Amboise, Histoire naturelle, "Privilege du Roy," op. cit., str. 65-66.


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